Introduction

spacer1. Hugo Grotius’ Inauguratio, written in 1603 to celebrate the coronation of King James VI of Scotland as King James I of England, was intended to serve two purposes: first to hail King James as the fulfillment of all British history; second to urge the new king to continue the decades-long English war with Spain. Grotius successfully accomplished his first task, but failed at the latter, when the king signed a treaty with the Spanish in 1604. This introduction outlines the contemporary political and military situation in NW Europe around 1600, the life and work of Grotius, and finally the genre and style of the poem itself.

1. THE POLITICAL AND MILITARY SITUATION

spacer2. During the second half of the 16th century, the English under Queen Elizabeth had been in an undeclared, mostly naval war with Spain, now ruled by the Habsburg monarch Philip II. In addition to the religious divisions which plagued most of northern Europe and divided Protestant England from Catholic Spain, English trade with the New World infringed on Spanish interests. In 1568 a fleet of English privateers led by John Hawkins and Francis Drake were defeated by the Spanish in a battle near Veracruz, Mexico. In retaliation, the English seized several Spanish ships which were delivering supplies to the Spanish armies in the Low Countries. Relations continued to sour, as the English supported the Spanish king’s rival for the throne of Portugal and promised to support the Dutch revolt against Spain. Clashes began in earnest in 1585, when Drake sacked Santo Domingo and other Caribbean seaports and an English expedition sacked Vigo in Galicia. In 1588 the Spanish sent the Invincible Armada against England. If successful, Spanish forces would have expelled Queen Elizabeth from the throne as a heretic (Pope Pius V having declared the Catholic equivalent of a fatwa against her — to use a term unhappily familiar today) and installed Philip himself. As we know, the Armada failed, but the English expeditions sent in reaction were not successful either. Drake’s English Armada of 1589, which was intended to burn the Spanish fleet in port, recover Portugal, and capture the Spanish treasure fleet, attained none of these objectives. Hostilities thereafter were intermittent: in 1590 the Spanish expelled Protestant (including English) forces from Brittany; in 1596 Robert Devereux, the Earl of Essex, sacked Cadiz; but in 1596 both Drake and Hawkins died in a failed expedition to capture Spanish possessions in the Caribbean. In addition, while the English were supporting with arms and men the Dutch rebellion in the Low Countries, the Spanish were sending military aid to the Irish chiefs O’Neill and O’Donnell in their long war against the English. By the time of Queen Elizabeth’s death in 1603, military action seemed at a stalemate and the English seemed unable to prevent Spanish disruption of the trade on which they had come to depend. This was the situation as King James VI of Scotland ascended the English throne as James I of England, and indeed of all Britain.
spacer3. During this same period a life-and-death struggle was devastating the Low Countries. The seventeen provinces of the Low Countries had long been possessions of the Dukes of Burgundy. In 1506 the Habsburg Charles V (at six years of age) inherited these provinces and added them to his previous sovereignty over the Holy Roman Empire and the Spanish provinces of Castile and Aragon, thus making him the at-least titular overlord of a large part of Western Europe. Raised in Flanders, Charles spoke Flemish and was sympathetic to the Netherlanders. He had in fact given Martin Luther safe conduct to the Diet of Worms (1521) and did not seem unduly disturbed by the Protestant Reformation. His successor to the throne of Spain, Philip II, felt otherwise. In the course of the 16th century, Protestants had become an influential minority in the Low Countries and were generally tolerated by the commercial society of the region. Nevertheless King Philip decided to restore Catholicism throughout the provinces, chiefly by establishing the Inquisition throughout his realm. Dutch Calvinist leaders reacted through their sermons, and during the 1560’s the region was swept by an iconoclastic movement, the Beeldenstorm (“statue storm”) which destroyed Catholic church art. To restore central control and defend his religion, Philip sent the Duke of Alba to Brussels with 10,000 troops. Alba’s atrocities, which included the execution of local nobles and massacres at Mechelen, Zutphen, and Naarden, made the revolt more desperate. In 1568 William of Orange, the Catholic Stadholder (“head of state”) of Holland and its most influential nobleman, organized forces to drive Alba from Brussels. This attempt failed. William then established his court in Holland, which remained free from Spanish rule. In 1572 active rebellion broke out again with more success: Alba was recalled; the Spanish, who were fighting on several fronts, went bankrupt; and the provinces united (for a time) in the Pacification of Ghent, an alliance aimed at driving the Spanish from the Low Countries. However, a new Spanish general, the Duke of Parma, took a more conciliatory course and promised the southern Catholic provinces a restoration of their liberties. The united seven northern provinces continued the revolt, requesting help from England and France. The former, under the Treaty of Nonsuch, sent the Dutch about 5000 troops, among them Sir Philip Sidney, who died at Zutphen. With this help, the Dutch, under the Protestant Maurice of Orange, William’s son, captured most of the important cities in what is now the Netherlands. By 1602 Dutch Protestants largely controlled the seven northern provinces, Catholic Spain the ten in the south, although hostilities continued, especially the three-year siege of Ostend.
spacer4. As Protestant foes of the Spanish and as sister nations with free institutions — certainly compared to the benighted autocracy of Spain — the English and the Dutch were natural allies. Even apart from their status as fellow combatants, the Dutch were in the habit of appealing to the English to settle factional quarrels in the Calvinist Dutch church. It is beyond the scope of this introduction to discuss the split in the Dutch church between the Remonstrants, who were Arminian, urged state control of the church, and were generally from the ruling class, and the Counter-Remonstrants, who were strictly Calvinist, believed in independent church congregations, and comprised the majority of the Protestant population. (Grotius was a Remonstrant). Both sides appealed to King James, the English ambassador, and the Archbishop of Canterbury for support. Both at times received encouragement: the king expressed very negative opinions about Arminian doctrines, thus agreeing with the Counter-Remonstrants; at the same time he fully supported an ecclesiastical hierarchy with himself, the king, at its head, thus allying himself with the Remonstrants. The Remonstrants always tried to portray their adversaries as the Dutch equivalents of the English Puritans, whom James hated, while the Counter-Remonstrants called their opponents out-and-out Arian heretics — and the king loved a good fight about theology (see 25 - 32). This dispute between the two parties came to a head well after the king’s coronation in 1603, and is not directly relevant to the Inauguratio, but the kinship between the two nations makes Grotius’ appeal for military help on moral and religious grounds understandable. ’

HUGO GROTIUS

spacer5. Such was the military and religious situation in 1603 as Hugo Grotius began composing his Inauguratio, a celebration (as mentioned above) of King James’ coronation and at the same time a plea for the king to continue the war with Spain. Grotius was 20 years of age in that year, but he had already demonstrated his character as a prodigy. He was born 10 April 1583 in Delft to a noble, well-educated family. His father, Jan de Groot (Janus Grotius), was a Delft regent, known for his Latin poetry and in contact with prominent literary and political figures like Jan Dousa and Justus Lipsius. His uncle Cornelius de Groot was a professor of law at Leiden. In 1584 (at age eleven!) Grotius entered Leiden University, where J. J. Scaliger, recognizing the boy’s talents, became his informal tutor. NOTE 1 In 1598 Grotius left Leiden and accompanied the Dutch leader Johan van Oldenbarnevelt on an embassy to Paris. While in France he acquired a law degree at Orléans. On his return to the Low Countries, he established a law practice, entered politics, married, and enjoyed a successful career as an advocate, political figure, and Pensionary (mayor) of Rotterdam. However in 1618 disaster struck. In a conflict between the two sects of the Calvinist state religion (outlined above), the Stadtholder Maurice of Orange had van Oldenbarnevelt, Grotius’ patron, executed and Grotius himself sentenced to life imprisonment. He remained in prison, writing continually, until 1621, when he escaped through the help of his formidably capable wife Maria van Reigersbergen, who smuggled her husband out in a book crate. He then fled to Paris. NOTE 2 There he published his De iure belli ac pacis, a book which became instantly famous and a foundational work in the development of international law. Confident that the religious controversies in the Netherlands had calmed, he returned to Amsterdam, but the government again refused repatriation and he fled to Hamburg, soon thereafter joining the Swedish diplomatic service. He spent about 10 years in Paris as Swedish ambassador, but was eventually recalled to Stockholm in winter 1645. On that journey he was shipwrecked twice in the B altic and died of exposure in Rostock in August 1645.
spacer6. Grotius’ interest in philology, presumably imbibed from Scaliger, continued throughout his life, as shown in his editions of Martianus Capella in 1599, Aratus in 1600, as well as editions of Lucan, the Greek Anthology, Tacitus, and others done later in life, especially during his Paris period. He was an enthusiastic writer of Latin (and some Greek) verse, composing about 25,000 lines total, beginning with Latin elegies as a schoolboy and hitting the peak of his production during the years 1595 - 1610. Noteworthy are his many Epithalamia for the weddings of friends and associates, some of which are entertainingly graphic in their descriptions of the wedding night. (See “In Nuptias Iohannis Ten Grootenhuys,” 1603, a hendecasyllabic poem ending with the charming lines bis est vivere gignere atque amare, “Making love and giving birth is living twice.”). NOTE 3 He also wrote eclogues, one of which, “Myrtilus,” is an attractive nautical pastoral reflecting Dutch trade in the East. His panegyrics address the Stadtholder Maurice of Orange, Maurice’s half-brother Frederic Henry, and the newly-crowned King James I of Britain, celebrated in the poem presented here. His three original plays, Adamus Exul (1601), Christus Patiens (1608), and Sophompaneas (1635 — it dramatizes the story of Joseph and his brothers; and its title is Joseph’s Egyptian name) have attracted scholarly attention. As his legal and political activities took over his life after 1605, his occasional verse and epigrams became less frequent. After his imprisonment and escape in 1621, he devoted himself to larger projects: his complete translation of the Greek Anthology into Latin verse is a masterpiece, as is his line-by-line Latin translation of Euripides’ Phoenissae (1630).
spacer7. But in the period in question here, 1602 - 3, Grotius was inspired by the difficult political and military situation of the Dutch. The Spanish were still an existential threat to the Protestant nation, but on the other hand, Dutch trade and commerce were flourishing, largely because of the capture of Antwerp by the Spanish in 1585: Antwerp’s river, the Scheldt, was blocked and much of the population of the city (including all the Protestants) fled north. The city’s trade was transferred to Amsterdam and other Dutch ports. Furthermore the Dutch had been encouraged by their victory in 1600 over the Spanish at Nieuwpoort. However, the siege of Ostend was taking a turn for the worse; the Spanish were really trying to eliminate this final Dutch bridgehead in Flanders, and the Dutch were unable to resupply the garrison, which included a 3000-man English army under Sir Francis Vere. The final lines of the Inauguratio warn the king of the consequences of Ostend’s fall: a hostile shore facing southern England. The town did fall in 1604 and was memorialized by Grotius (quoted here] and) John Barclay in his Poemata II.17 . Other poems from the same year also reflect Grotius’ anxieties about the war. His Mathematica Principis Mauritii, a panegyric of the Stadtholder Maurice of Orange (Grotius 1988 118-127) mentions Spanish fury (Hesperios...furores 51), the 1588 Armada, and the recent Dutch victory at Nieuwpoort (59 - 61).
spacer8. The Dutch were well represented when King James began his rule, both at this coronation and at his triumphal entry into London. The coronation, 25 July 1603, was something of a disappointment, since London was being ravaged by the plague and heavy rain fell; most festivities were cancelled. A Dutch embassy, which included Grotius’ patron van Oldenbarnevelt, had been sent to the coronation with a formal letter of congratulation from the Dutch States General. The embassy gave an address before the yet-to-be-crowned king, urging English military and financial support for the Dutch revolt. Grotius himself did not attend and presumably someone recited his poem or gave a copy to the king. As the plague grew worse, the Dutch embassy fled on 10 July 1603, before the actual ceremony. NOTE 4 To compensate for the earlier disappointment, King James made a triumphal entry into London in March 1604. The Dutch were well represented at this event. The third triumphal arch (of seven) under which the king passed was sponsored by the Dutch merchants of London. On it were seventeen maidens representing the provinces of the Low Countries, including those under Spanish rule; earlier English kings; Dutch artisans and merchants peacefully at work; and images of Peace and Truth. In the Latin oration delivered at the arch the Dutch asked for the king’s support and sympathy, the same support they had received from mater Eliza (Stilma 11ff.). In the event, none of the Dutch pleas convinced King James. He concluded the Treaty of London with Spain in August 1604, in which Spain recognized the Protestant rulers of England and England abandoned its military support of the Dutch. Grotius met King James later in 1613 on another embassy devoted partly to discussing freedom of navigation on the high seas and partly to the growing split between Dutch Remonstrants and Counter-Remonstrants mentioned above. For a detailed description of that embassy and Grotius’ role in it, see Grotius 1995 30 - 35.
spacer9. A few words should be devoted to freedom of the seas, since John Selden’s book Mare Clausum is mentioned in the notes below. In 1604, Grotius had written De Jure Praedae (On the Law of Prize), justifying by precedent and reason the seizure of enemy vessels on the open sea, in this case the capture by the Dutch of the Portuguese ship Catherina in the Straits of Malacca. This treatise as a whole was not published until the 19th century, but in 1609 chapter XII was separately issued as Mare Liberum, espousing the principle that the seas should be open to the commerce of all nations since the sea cannot be owned like a tract of national territory. In reaction, John Selden’s Mare Clausum (1635) argued that in fact the sea could be as much a possession as a piece of land. He cites parts of Grotius’ own Inauguratio to prove his point. In 1652 Selden’s book was translated into English by Marchamont Nedham, a Commonwealth journalist and an associate of John Milton. Nedham’s verse translations of Selden’s excerpts from the Inauguratio are quoted in the notes.

GROTIUS AS A LATIN POET

spacer10. Grotius called his poem Inauguratio, but references to it by his correspondents all call it a panegyric, an accurate characterization, for Grotius closely modeled his poem on late Roman verse panegyrics. NOTE 5 Rhetoricians from the second century A. D,. among them Menander Rhetor and Aphthonius had developed an outline of how a prose panegyric (ἐγκώμιον) should be structured:

1. προοίμιον — any suitable introduction (Inauguratio 1 - 59).
2. γένος – praise for the subject’s ancestry, city, country, race (60 - 97).
3. γένεσις — noteworthy facts concerning his birth (98 - 131).
4. ἀναστροφή — education, early character, aptitudes (132 - 173).
5. ἐπιτηδεύματα — his habitual practices and employments, his profession (174 - 253).
6. πράξεις – activities (254 - 352).
7. σύγκρισις — a general or a detailed (depending on the circumstances) comparison with a like figure (Grotius omits this).
8. ἐπίλογος — any suitable epilogue (also omitted).

spacer11. In addition the panegyric must be adjusted to suit the occasion when the speech or poem was delivered. Several of the late Roman examples were given to celebrate the start of a consulship, a close parallel to the coronation of King James. The rhetoricians had assumed panegyrics in prose; indeed all surviving consular panegyrics before 350 A. D. are prose. NOTE 6 Claudian [ca. 370 - ca. 404], the court poet of the emperor Honorius, introduced the immediately successful practice of panegyrics in verse. This technical change required alterations in style and structure. Similes, abstract personifications, mythological and historical exempla, references to gods and heroes, and long passages of direct speech, often put in the mouth of historical or mythical persons (Roma, Time), populate his poems. Grotius, who may or may not have known the rhetoricians’ rules from his own reading, certainly recognized and followed Claudian’s practices. In the translation we mark the sections of a rhetorician’s outline of the Inauguratio and for convenience we cite close parallels from equivalent parts of Claudian’s panegyrics. (Parallels from Claudian can be cited without end; we give illustrative examples only.) The following poems of Claudian are referred to by abbreviation: NOTE 7

Panegyric on the Consuls Probinus and Olybrius (I.2 -23; Prob.)
Panegyric on the Third Consulship of Honorius (I.268 - 285; III Cons.)
Panegyric on the Fourth Consulship of Honorius (I.286 - 335; IV Cons.)
On Stilicho’s Consulship I (I.364 - 392), II (II.3 - 38), III (II.3 9 - 70; Stil. I, II, III)
In Praise of Serena (Minor Poems XXX, II.240 - 256; Praise).

spacer12. It must not be thought that either Claudian or Grotius mechanically follows the rhetoricians’ rules. Claudian feels free to introduce long digressions on the nature of kingship (Cons.), battle narratives (the defeat of Alaric in Panegyric on the Sixth Consulship of Honorius), as well as many speeches. But the rhetoricians gave the poets an underlying structure which could be modified in details. About half-way through his poem, Grotius diverges from the rhetorician’s outline, since he has an explicit purpose: to urge a war with Spain. He therefore omits the comparison and the epilogue, substituting a hymn of praise for Britain (353-392; praise for the homeland is normal in panegyric, but is extended to extraordinary length here) and an argumentatio in which six nymphs or maidens who represent six nations appear, each making a speech urging war on Spain. NOTE 8 Each speech is individualized to suit each nymph’s national character: England proud of her wealth, Scotland proud to be the nurse of kings, Ireland apologizing for her previous barbarous condition, Batavia (with the longest speech) describing her sufferings and pointing out the resources which she could bring to the war. Yet even this series of nymphs has been adapted from Claudian. In Stil. II 230 -268 Spain, Gaul, Britain (ferro picta genas, “with cheeks tattooed,” cf. ferro sua membra notanti - Inauguratio 305), Africa, and Oenotria (Italy) approach the goddess Roma and beg her to convince Stilicho to accept the consulship, however unwilling he might be. Each nymph has her own reasons.
spacer13. We have described the rhetorical outline of a panegyric and mention throughout the notes just a few of Grotius’ obvious borrowings from Claudian simply to make the point that Grotius was working in an entirely traditional genre with prescribed rules and styles, with conventional topoi and tropes. His job was to write a panegyric for King James primarily as a captatio benevolentiae of his plea for military assistance. Terms such as “flattery” and “sincerity” have no application here. Of course James was an infant prodigy; of course his youth and adolescence were unparalleled; of course his reign is the culmination of British history, if not of all human history, the goal of all creation. The king expected to hear this, presumably enjoyed it, then moved on. Personal feelings have nothing to do with the poem. In addition, Grotius could have refuted the charge of flattery with the common defense of panegyric: that the speech or poem holds up a mirror of virtue to the addressee to encourage him to a noble life. Erasmus, in a letter to Joannes Paludanus of Louvain, had explicitly said that panegyric’s purpose was “that by having the image of virtue put before them, bad princes might be made better, the good encouraged, the ignorant instructed, the mistaken set right, the wavering quickened, and even the abandoned brought to some sense of shame.” NOTE 9 King James himself, in the beginning of the second book of his Basilikon Doron, quoted Claudian:

                  Componitur orbis
Regis ad exemplum; nec sic inflectere sensus
Humanos edicta valent, quam vita regentis. (IV Cons. 299 - 301)

[“The world shapes itself after its ruler’s pattern,
nor can edicts sway men’s minds so much as their monarch’s life.”]

The first words of Batavia (477 -482) especially reflect this purpose. In any case we can assume that the Dutch sincerely wanted English help, but the means of requesting that help are entirely conventional.
spacer14. Abundantly illustrated in Grotius is one feature of Renaissance Latin verse, the use of obsolete classical names for contemporary places, nations, and tribes. In the Inauguratio we find Rutupia (its Roman name) for Richborough, Brigantes (an ancient tribe) as synecdoche for Britons, Cimbri for the Danes, the ancient tribe of the Massyli for Africans, Tartessus for most any Spanish city (here Cadiz, also called Gades), and Baeti (really the name of a river) for Spaniards. Another example: in his Mathematica Principis Mauritii Grotius calls the Danish astronomer Tycho Brahe Getes, a Getan (strictly speaking, a member of a tribe on the Danube), using the term as a classical synonym for Goth, the Geats of Old English. (Compare Geticas...ad Arctos, Inauguratio 107, referring to Denmark). In addition, our poem is set in the Greco-Roman mythological world where poets are inspired by the river Permessus and the springs Castalia or Pieria, where the gods revel on Cithaeron and Ida, where bees swarm on Mt. Hymettus, and where Nereus rules the waves. All this is entirely conventional. Also conventional are the topoi scattered throughout the poem. These include “affected modesty” (37 - 47), puer senex (the child displays adult wisdom – 140ff. and elsewhere), wisdom wonderfully joined with fortitude (160ff. — same topos applied to Prince Maurice in Mathematica Principis Mauritii 254 -8), and “Even heard of in India” (36, 170f.). NOTE 10 Grotius’ style, modeled primarily on the later Latin poets Claudian, Statius, Lucan, and Martial, is fluent enough, but obscurities of syntax occasionally intrude: the loose appositive scire nihil (155) is an example.
spacer15. A few words should be said about access to Grotius’ voluminous poetry, which was in part collected in four 17th century editions of his Poemata Omnia: 1617, 1639, 1645, and 1670. The latter is available on Google Books (accessed March 2015). That same edition has also been posted online by the Department of Dutch Language and Literature of Leiden University (available here), with the correction of a few obvious misprints and the addition (as usual) of ra7ther too many scanning errors (l for I and vice-versa, n for il, h for li). In any case this 1670 edition did not in fact collect all of Grotius’ poetry. That task was left for Dutch scholars of our own time, who have studied Grotius’ own handwritten manuscripts. In 1610 Grotius himself copied down every line of poetry which he had written since 1601. This manuscript, Ms. Papenbrock 10, survives at the Leiden University library and has been used to help compile the definitive edition, De Dichtwerken van Hugo Grotius (seven volumes, 1970 - 1992). The volume which contains the Inauguratio is Part II 3 A/B, Original Poetry 1602 - 3, beautifully edited with notes but without translation by Arthur Eyffinger. This volume and its successor, Part II 4 A/B, Original Poetry 1604-1608, ed. Edwin Rabbie, exhibit the generosity of these Dutch scholars, who after explicating these rather difficult poems were still willing to labor in a foreign language to share their results. (The earlier volumes of De Dichtwerken were in Dutch.) Eyffinger established the text, which is basically that of the 1670 Poemata Omnia, but the editor carefully examined Grotius’ wretched handwriting in Ms. Papenbrock 10 (facsimile in Grotius 1988 p. 2) and reported the many variants in the apparatus. These variants often give clues to the meaning of obscure passages. Eyffinger gives detailed notes on the sources and parallels for Grotius’ poem, along with valuable information from Dutch sources on the historical and cultural background. Our notes owe much to Eyffinger’s work. (We have changed the original punctuation here and there for clarity.) Unfortunately, for reasons incomprehensible to us, the remaining copies of these volumes (and others in the set) were destroyed a few years ago, and as a result the books are rare, certainly outside the Netherlands. We have found volume II 3 A - B at the library of the University of Virginia, Charlottesville, and volume II 4 A - B at the library of The Ohio State University.  We have been able to supplement Eyffinger’s work in several passages thanks to the help of Dr. Jamie Reid Baxter, who read our text with close attention. Of course he is not responsible for any errors that may remain.
spacer16. We should explain our decision to present a verse translation of the Inauguratio, contrary to the usual practice of the The Philological Museum. Grotius was a prominent participant in the European Latin-based culture, the respublica literarum whose members moved smoothly from their native tongues to the Latin that was read (and spoken) by all educated people. His verse represents a literary achievement of the highest order, worthy of the centuries-long tradition of which he and his contemporaries were merely the current representatives. Modeling his verse on the Latin Silver Age poets, he could be as allusive, as steeped in Greco-Roman tradition, and as skillful with his language and meter as any of his predecessors. The plain style, the conversational mode, the transparent narrative have no part in Grotius’ verse, which instead is imbued with all the resources of a sophisticated, highly developed tradition that aimed at finding, exploring, and developing all the possibilities lurking in the theme or genre at hand, here the panegyric. The7 reader is expected to note and appreciate the references, the phrases, and the topoi, along with the ingenuity with which the poet has woven all these into his poem. However, due to the conquest of the vernacular language and the retreat of Latin from its position as the dominant component of western culture, the knowledge required for such appreciation has been largely lost to readers in the centuries since Grotius. A transparent modern prose translation (such as the one available here) completely misses the tone of Grotius’ complex and allusive poetry and flattens the language. While rendering the sense of the poem, it rarely achieves any of the effects for which the author strove. If Grotius had wanted to write prose, his rhetorical strategies would have been very different and the development more straightforward. Because his poetry works through indirection and traditional figures, it achieves more subtle and effective results, striving not just to communicate, but to communicate memorably. Ideally we would like an English translation done by a contemporary English poet who was also steeped in the Greco-Roman poetic tradition, such as Ben Jonson, Thomas May, or John Milton. Unfortunately the Inauguratio seems to have excited no interest at all in Britain, never being mentioned by anyone on the island except Selden. It is, however, at least partially possible to represent the high quality of his poetry by rendering it today into traditional English blank verse, thereby giving it something of the nature of English poetry written about the same time and even somewhat later. We hope that rendering his thought into something like his poetry, we may bring not only the author to life, but may impart energy and vigor to his accomplishment.


Bibliography

Bernays, Jacob, Joseph Justus Scaliger, (New York: B. Franklin 1965). Reprint of 1855 original.

Buchanan, Rerum Scotarum Historia/

Cameron, Alan, Claudian: Poetry and Propaganda at the Court of Honorius (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970).

Claudian, Claudii Claudiani Carmina, trans. Maurice Platnauer (London and New York, 1922). The Loeb edition.

Curtius, E. R., European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. Willard Trask, (New York: Published for the Bollingen Foundation by Pantheon Books 1953).

Erasmus, Desiderius, The Epistles of Erasmus, trans. Francis Morgan Nichols (London: Longmans, Green, and Co. 1901)

Grotius, Hugo, The Antiquity of the Batavian Republic, ed. and trans. Jan Waszink (Assen: Van Gorcum 2000)

Hug. Grotii Poemata Omnia, Editio quinta (Amstelodami: Apud Ioh. Ravesteynium 1670). The standard one-volume complete edition, available here.

Ordinum Hollandiae ac Westfrisiae Pietas (1613) ed. Edwin Rabbie (Leiden: Brill 1995). The preface contains a good discussion of the religious conflicts in the Dutch Republic in the first decade of the 17th century and a description of the 1612 Dutch embassy to King James.

The Poetry of Hugo Grotius: Original Poetry 1602-1603, ed. Arthur Eyffinger (Assen: Van Gorcum 1988 in cooperation with the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Science). Also catalogued as De Dichtwerken van Hugo Grotius Tweede Deel, pars 3 A en B (=II 3 A-B).

The Poetry of Hugo Grotius: Original Poetry 1604-1608, ed. Edwin Rabbie (Assen: Van Gorcum 1992 in cooperation with the Grotius Institute of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Science). Also catalogued as De Dichtwerken van Hugo Grotius Tweede Deel, pars 4 A en B (=II 4 A-B).

Herman, Peter C. “’Best of Poets, Best of Kings’: King James VI and I and the Scene of Monarchic Verse”  pp. 61 - 103, in Daniel Fischlin and Mark Fortier, Royal Subjects, Essays on the Writings of James VI and I (Detroit: Wayne State University Press 2002).

Julian, Emperor (iknown as the Apostate) in The Works of the Emperor Julian, text and translation by William Cave Wright (London: William Heinemann 1913). The Loeb Classical Library edition.

King James I, His Maiesties Poeticall Exercises at vacant houres, (Edinburgh 1591). Contains the entire Lepanto. Available here.

Levy, Harry L., “Themes of Encomium and Invective in Claudian,” Transacations and Procedings of the American Philological Association 89 (1958) 336 -347.

MacCormack, Sabine, “Latin Prose Panegyrics,” Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes 25.1 - 2 (1976) 29 - 77.

Reid-Baxter, Jamie, “’Scotland will be the Ending of all Empires’: Mr Thomas Murray and King James VI and I,” in Kings, Lords and Men in Scotland and Britain, 1300-1625, edd. Steve Boardman and Julian Goodare (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2014), 320 - 340. Discusses Murray’s Latin translation of King James’ Lepanto.

Scot of Scotstarvet, Sir John, Delitiae Poetarum Scotorum (2 vols., Amsterdam 1637). Available here..

Stilma, Astrid, A King Translated: the Writings of King James VI & I and their Interpretation in the Low Countries, 1593 - 1603 (Farnham, U. K., and Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2012).

Struthers, Lester B., “The Rhetorical Structure of the Encomia of Claudius Claudian,” Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 30 (1919) 48-87.

Wright, Elizabeth, and Spence, Sarah, The Battle of Lepanto (The I Tatti Renaissance Library), (Harvard University Press, 2014). Text and translations of Latin poems about the battle (mostly from Italy).


Notes

spacerNOTE 1 Scaliger used the same puer senex topos for the young Grotius as the adult Grotius used of the infant King James (ll. 140 - 3): Qui limina nondum tetigit puberis aevi / Sed mente senili teneros praevenit annos / Magnum meditans. Grotius returned the favour an epitaph for his teacher: Unica lux saeculi, genitoris gloria, nemo / Quem puerum, nemo credidit esse senem (both quoted in Bernays 176; the latter in Grotius 1670 248).

spacerNOTE 2 His escape was celebrated by the Scottish poet John Leech in his Epigrammatum Liber III.77, De Hugo Grotio, ope arcae suae carcere elapso (1621)/

spacerNOTE 3 Grotius 1992 107 - 109. “Myrtilus” is in Grotius 1988 303- 309.

spacerNOTE 4 Descriptions of the embassy in the contemporary historians (Van Meteren and Grotius) are cited in Grotius 1988 87. Grotius own report of the address is quoted ib. 112.

spacerNOTE 5 Letters from Dominicus Baudius enthusiastically reporting Scaliger’s praise for the panegyric are quoted in Grotius 1988 pp.88f. For our descriptions of ancient panegyrics we are indebted to Struthers. Differences between prose and verse panegyrics from MacCormack. Best general discussion of Claudian in Cameron.

spacerNOTE 6 Texts in R. A. B. Mynors,. XII Panegyrici Latini (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964).

spacerNOTE 7 For convenience we have used the titles given by Platnauer in his Loeb edition, as well as the volume and page number of that edition. All translations from Claudian are Platnauer’s. The abbreviations are those used in Cameron. It quickly becomes obvious to any reader that Claudian was the primary influence on Grotius’’ verse.

spacerNOTE 8 We have used the word “nymph” for these personifications. Others use “maidens.” In similar passages John Barclay uses both the masculine genius (Poemata I.1.21) and the feminine dea (I.2.24) or nympha (I.2.67) for the spirit of Britain. For the prevalence of these heroic female figures (sibyls, nymphs, Natura, Roma) see Curtius 101 - 5. Many of these personifications go back to the ancient images of the Fortuna of a city (e.g. Roma) wearing a turreted crown, like Batavia at Inauguratio 476.

spacerNOTE 9 Erasmus 1910 366 (translation Nichols).

spacerNOTE 10 We take these topoi from Curtius passim.