Epigram I.1 Prince Charles was nineteen in 1619. When Campion wrote of Julius Caesar as an author of epigrams, he was no doubt thinking of Caesar’s famous one about Terence that begins tu quoque, tu in summis, o dimidiate Menander, quoted by Suetonius, de Poetis, the only significant example of his writing in this genre.
Epigram I.5 I have emended call’da to call’de since it is far from obvious why Campion would say that that the fleece is warm: he probably did not mean to indicate that the English actually traded wool, still warm from the sheep, for tobacco, but rather that the Spanish were cleverly fleecing the English.
Epigram I.6 Another poet-doctor of the period made it is business to attack this nostrum more seriously. Cf. Matthew Gwinne’s Aurum non Aurum, sive Adversaria in Assertorem Chymiae, sed Verae Medicinae Sesertorum, Franciscum Anthonium (1611).
Epigram I.7 This epigram is based on a feeble pun which cannot be reproduced in translation. Campion pretends to believe that Amor is a word derived from sals-amaris (brine), as he writes it. For sals amaris see Ovid, Metamorphoses XV.286 and Martial, X.xlviii.2 and XIII. lxxxix.2. Then Campion imagines that the ancient myth of Venus being born from the sea-foam was only an allegorical way of describing the creation of ocean brine.
Epigram I.14 When reading the final couplet one thinks of a pair of lines from The Beggars’ Opera:

Friendship for interest is but a loan
That is let out for what it can get.

Epigram I.17 Davis (1967) explained in a note on his translation (p.409), Campion is jeering at Barnabe Barnes’ sonnet lxvi from Parthenophil and Parthenope (1593), which contained the poet’s extraordinary wish to become wine to be consumed by his darling,

Which down her throat doth trickle,
To kiss her lips, and lie next at her heart,
Run through her veins, and pass by Pleasures part.

Campion carries the conceit to its logical conclusion. Needless to say, these lines exerted a fascinating effect on other wits of the time. Davis cites Nashe’s Have with you to Saffron Walden (III.103 McKerrow) and Marston’s The Scourge of Villainy VIII.126f.
Epigram I.30 The comprehension of this epigram requires familiarity with Paracelsus’ theories of the chemical nature of disease, as set forth in the Opus Paramirum of 1530. Briefly, he taught that disease was caused by imbalances of salt, mercury, and sulfur in the body. Spagyrus was a kind of vital spirit of a chemical nature. There is a popular account of this abstruse subject in Henry M. Pachter, Paracelsus: Magic into Science (New York, 1951) Chapter 19.
Epigram I.37 This notion about hydrophobia and its communicability was an item of contemporary medical doctrine: cf. Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy I.i.i.iv (I.141f. of the Everyman edition).
Epigram I.38 Presumably the idea is that a daughter would drive him to drink.
Epigram I.40 Ravaillac assassinated Henri IV in 1610. Campion writes about this event at greater length at de Pulverea Coniuratione I.328ff.
Epigram I.45 Vivian (p. 371) suggested that the recipient of this poem was somebody with the syllable “camp” in his name, which led to an unfortunate confusion with our poet. In an English context, it is unclear what ludis is supposed to mean: perhaps a bear-baiting such as Campion describes at de Pulverea Coniuratione II.43ff.
Epigram I.46 Sir Robert Carey [d. 1639], the future Earl of Monmouth, had been knighted for heroism during Essex’ 1591 Normandy campaign. This is the first of several epigrams that led Vivian (pp. xxxi - xxxiii) to speculate that Campion himself had participated in this expedition: other such epigrams are II.40A and II.86A. The dux and the princeps are the Earl of Essex and Prince Charles.
Epigram I.48 For Hippocrates’ alleged defeat of a plague at Athens cf. such sources as Aetius V.xcv. 30 and the twenty-fifth of the epistles attributed to Hippocrates, in which is quoted a bogus decree of the Athenian people thanking him for his benefactions.
Epigram I.49 The proper translation of this epigram depends on the interpretation of trudunt. I assume that Campion is referring to the great legal abuse of the age, the unnatural protraction of cases so as to drive up lawyers’ fees, also the subject of epigram I.150.
Epigram I.53 This epigram consists of a single iambic senarius with a spondaic sixth foot.
Epigram I.56 Compare one of the illustrative epigrams in Campion’s Observations in the Art of English Poesie (1602), p. 45 Vivian:

KATE can fancy only berdles husbands,
Thats the cause she shakess off ev’ry suter,
Thats the cause she lives so stale a virgin,
For, before her heart can heate her answer,
er smooth youths she finds all hugely berded.

Epigram I.60 An easy and obvious enough joke: but it is worth remembering that Campion appears to have lived and died a bachelor, and may have had a genuine aversion to the state of marriage.
Epigram I.65 Since the point of the epigram lies entirely in its untranslatable pun I have substituted duty for honor.
Epigram I.67 For another epigram about Elizabethan ostentation cf. I.70.
Epigram I.68 Torches were borne in Roman weddings. Vivian (p. 365) noted the resemblance of the present poem to the prefatory poem printed as miscellaneous epigram VIII here.
Epigram I.69 William Camden was the author of Britannia (1586); this epigram was inspired by the appearance of the final and greatly expanded edition of 1607, or perhaps by the English version of Philemon Holland, printed in 1610. Camden had already expressed similar appreciation of Campion. In his Remains of a Greater Worke Concerning Britaine (1605), he had written “If I would come to our own time, what a world I could present to you out of Sir Philipp Sidney, Ed. Spenser, Samuel Daniel, Hugh Holland, Ben. Jonson, Th. Campion, Mich, Drayton, George Chapman, John Marston, William Shakespeare and other most pregnant witts of thes times, whom succeeding ages may iustly admire” (quoted by Vivian, p. lviii).
Epigram I.70 There was of course a basis for Campion’s complaint: during his adult years England was witnessing an upsurge of prosperity. Other moralizing writers of the time also complained about what they regarded as the disturbing effects of this trend.
Epigram I.73 Edward Alleyn [1566 - 1626], the great actor-producer and founder of the Dulwich School.
Epigram I.81 The meaning of this epigram is clarified by epigram II.90. The liver indeed is the seat of love - of drink.
Epigram I.91 In a note on this epigram (p. 372, after Bullen) Vivian notes that a sweating sickness especially afflicted England in 1563 “but the reference may be to a recent visitation,” and that in 1580 Europe suffered from a particularly virulent type of influenza. More recently, there had been a serious visitation of the plague at London in 1592 - 3. According to the 1631 chronicle of John Stow, 10,575 Londoners died, something like two percent of the urban population.
Epigram I.94 For many years the Golden Hind was beached at Deptford. Thymbraeus is an epithet applied to Apollo at (e. g.) Vergil, Aeneid III.85 and Georgics IV.323.
Epigram I.95 The first words of this epigram of course echo Catullus v.6, nox est perpetua una dormienda. The first song in A Booke of Ayres (1601) is an expanded translation of this poem.
Epigram I.96 Prince Henry Frederick, James’ attractive and popular elder son, died on November 6, 1612. Campion also wrote a volume of English poems entitled Songs of Mourning: Bewailing the Untimely Death of Prince Henry printed in the following year. The reference to Henry’s earlier difficulties probably alludes to the struggle between his mother, Queen Anne, and the Mar family for possession of his person during his minority.
Epigram I.98 James Huishe was admitted to Gray’s Inn in 1595 (biographical details are given by Vivian, p.372); nothing is known about the manner of Huishe’s death; perhaps “Synertus” was a quack doctor whom Campion held responsible for his death.
Epigram I.99 In classical Athens adulterers were punished by having a radish stuffed up the rectum. Bostillus feared a similar fate on a larger scale.
Epigram I.102 Calais was reconquered from the English in 1558 but occupied by the Spanish from 1595 to 1598.
Epigram I.111 Consciolis is not a word in the classical Latin lexicon. I assume it is a noun = conscia.
Epigram I.119 Here vindicta appears to be an adjective in agreement with foemina, although there is no such adjective in classical Latin. But, even if we were to concede Campion the use of such a neologism, the meter shows that the word is in the ablative, so we should have to read vindicto and try to figure out what vindicto amore might mean. It would appear that the text is corrupt here, probably because the printer misread Campion’s handwriting.
Epigram I.120 Theriacan wine was supposed to be a remedy for snakebite: Pliny the Elder, Natural History XIV.cxvii. and XXIII.xiv.
Epigram I.121 In Campion’s time the act of smoking was sometimes termed “drinking smoke.”
Epigram I.122 This epigram pokes fun at the same nostrum treated in I.6. The syntax of the final line might not appear to support my translation, and dissimulas may be a preferable reading.
Epigram I.124 Cf. the note on epigram I.96.
Epigram I.125 Taken literally, the allusion to modern Picts would seem to be a gibe against the Scots who came down to England when James inherited the throne. But from the general tenor of the epigram, it appears more likely that Campion meant the word as a blanket term for the inhabitants of Great Britain.
Epigram I.132 I do not see any way of reproducing the pedere - perdere pun in English.
Epigram I.135 As a medical man, Campion doubtless was well aware of the powers of suggestion.
Epigram I.138 Again, a doctor might be familiar with what we would call conditioned reflexes. I assume that the allusion in line 8 is to Thomas Aquinas and have emended the text accordingly.
Epigram I.139 Mercury was already employed as a supposed remedy for syphilis, especially by Paracelsus and his followers.
Epigram I.143 Vivian (p. 372) noted the resemblance to the eighth epigram from Campion’s Observations in the Art of English Poesie of 1602:

Barnzy stuffly vows that hees no Cuckold,
Yet the fulgar eu’rywhere salutes him,
With strange signes of honres, from eu’ry corner;
Wheresoere he commes, a sundry Cucco
Still frequents his eares; yet hees no Cuccuold.
But this Barnzy knowes that his Matilda,
Skorning him, with Haruy playes the wanton.
Knowes it? nay desires it, and by prayers,
Dayly begs of heau’n, that it for euer
May stand firme for him; yet hees no Cuccold.
And tis true, for Haruy keeps Matilda,
Fosters Barnzy, and relieues his household,
Buyes, the Cradle, and begets the children,
Payes the Nurces, eu’ry charge defraying,
And thus truly playes Matildas husband:
So that Barnzy now becomes a cypher,
And himselfe th’ adulterer of Matilda.
Mock not him with hornes, the case is altered;
Haruy beares the wrong, he proues the Cuccold.

Davis (1967), p. 417 n. 1, thought that “Barnzy” was Campion’s repeated target Barnabe Barnes.
Epigram I.144 I. e., Englishmen wear heavy cloaks even in hot weather. See the note on epigram I.91.
Epigram I.148 The Coritani and the Brigantes were two tribes of pre-Roman Britons, occupying the central portion of England and the area around York respectively.
Epigram I.150 Cf. the note on epigram I.49.
Epigram I.151 Perhaps Campion was thinking of the sort of travel clock described by Elizabeth Burton, The Elizabethans at Home (London, 1958) 115.
Epigram I.152 The three Roman poets mentioned in lines 6f. are Persius, Juvenal, and Horace. It is not self-evident why Campion chose three satirists to illustrate his point.
Epigram I.161 The first line seems calculated to remind the reader of the proem of the Odyssey.
Epigram I.170 This poem obviously plays with Horace’s dictum dulce et decorum est pro patria mori.
Epigram I.175 For cerussa (white lead used as a cosmetic) Vivian, p. 372, compares Ben Jonson’s Sejanus his Fall IIi, ’Tis the sun Hath giv’n some little taint unto the ceruse. Argus is a dentist and Lamus a pimp.
Epigram I.176 Evidently this poem is addressed to the legal scholar Alberico Gentili, who was Regius Professor of Civil Law at Oxford, but also maintained a London practice. For all his distinction, Gentili was gregarious and a boon companion of many men of letters. See the life in the D. N. B., Chapter II of Gesina H. van der Molen, Alberico Gentili and the Development of International Law, his Life, Work, and Times (2nd ed. Leiden, 1968), and D. Panizza, Alberico Gentili, Giurista Ideologo nell’ Inghilterra Elisabettiana (Padova, 1981).
Epigram I.178 Charles Fitzgeoffrey [1576 - 1636], like the three Michelborne brothers, was a member of Campion’s literary circle. His Affaniae (1601) was a collection of epigrams highly influenced by Campion’s 1595 volume. See also the next note.
Epigram I.180 Edward Michelborne or Michelbourne (1565 - 1626), together with his brothers Laurence and Thomas, was another member of Campion’s circle. According to Anthony à Wood, Fasti Oxonienses I.428 Bliss, “he was the most noted Latin poet of his time in the university, as divers copies of his compositions in several books shew; which if put together, would make a manual…the poets of his time did mostly submit their labours to his judgment, before they were made public, particularly Charles Fitz-Geffrey.” On the basis of a number of epigrams addressed to him in Fitzgeoffrey’s Affaniae, it is clear that he was a friend and mentor when Fitzgeoffrey was at Oxford (1593 - 99), and epigrams addressed to him in Campion’s 1595 and 1619 volumes show that he was also a friend of Campion’s. It is likely that he called Campion’s work to Fitzgeoffrey’s attention as a model of imitation, and the appearance of this epigram and also epigram II.70 show that by 1619 Campion and Fitzgeoffrey were friends. Little of Michelborne’s Latin poetry survives beyond a handful of gratulatory epigrams preceding other men’s books, so Wood’s estimate of his quality is impossible to verify. Equally incalculable is the issue of his influence on Campion’s Latin poetry. Did he provide the same service for Campion that he did for Fitzgeoffrey, and did his Latin verse serve as a model for both of them? Cf. further the D. N. B. biography with references provided and Bradner, ib. 79 - 81.
Romans often kept wooden statues in gardens representing the erect deity Priapus.
Epigram I.186 Charles was installed as Prince of Wales on November 3, 1616. Campion appears to have thought that the investiture ceremony occurred two days later on Guy Fawkes Day.
Epigram I.188 The return in question occurred in August 1617. In 1618 appeared a volume entitled The Ayres that Were Sung at Brougham Castle in Westmerland, in the King’s Entertainment: Given by the Right Honourable the Earle of Cumberland, and his Right Noble Sonne the Lord Clifford. Composed by Mr. George Mason, and Mr. John Earsden, printed by George Mason and John Earsden at London in 1618. Vivian, p. 372, thought that some, at least of the words of these airs were written by Campion, and compared the imagery of the second stanza of the third item in that collection to the present epigram:

Welcome, welcome as the Sunne
When the night is past:
With us the day is now begunne,
May it for euery last.
Such a morne
Did nere adorne
The Roses of the East
As the North
Has now brought forth:
The Northerne morne is best.
And so, best King, good rest.

Epigram I.189 Written on the occasion of the appearance of Bacon’s de Sapientia Veterum in 1609. Davis (1967), p. 419 n.14, suggested that Campion may have come into contact with Bacon due to the latter’s association with Gray’s Inn “and his possible part in the entertainments for the Somerset wedding,” for which Campion provided a masque. Note that the placement of this poem here excludes the possibility that these epigrams are arranged in chronological order.
Epigram I.195 Audentem (translated “boldness”) refers to his sexual prowess. But it is an obvious temptation to substitute ardentem in the Latin text.
Epigram I.197 It unusual for Campion to address an epigram of this generic type to someone with an English name. Evidently “Lecesterlandus” (presumably = Leicesterland) was not a real person: Vivian does not include this individual in his concluding index of personal names.
Epigram I.202 Suffenus was a bad poet mentioned repeatedly by Catullus (xiv.19, xxi.1); Cherillus must be another of the same stamp, though I cannot identify the allusion.
Epigram I.208 The club-wielding sons of Amphitryon were Hercules and Iphicles; the story of Hercules’ parentage is humorously dramatized in Plautus’ Amphitryo.
Epigram I.210 Maecenas was the great patron of poets, including Horace and Vergil, in the time of Augustus.
Epigram I.211 The individuals mentioned in his poem are as follows: (line 1) Mary, Countess Dowager of Pembroke [1561 - 1621], sister of Sir Philip Sidney; (line 4) her sons William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke and Philip Herbert, Earl of Montgomery, who was a Gentleman of the King’s Bedchamber, both of whom performed in Campion’s Somerset Masque (1614), and were patrons of the First Folio; (line 7) Edward Seymour, Lord Hertferd (1539 - 1621); (line 8) his wife Frances.
Epigram I.213 The Amazon Penthesilea married Theseus and gave birth to Hippolytus.
Epigram I.222 Vivian (pp. xlii - xlvi) gives a full and balanced account of the involvement of Campion and his friend and patron Sir Thomas Monson in the celebrated Overbury murder case of 1613, in which Sir Thomas was arrested for the murder and clapped in the Tower, but subsequently absolved. Clearly this and the following epigram were written to celebrate his acquittal. A Third and Fourthe Booke of Ayres (1617) is dedicated to Monson.
Epigram I.224 Vivian (p.373) notes three contemporary individuals named William Strachey: 1.) a colonist and writer on Virginia shipwrecked on the Bermudas in the Sea Venture in 1609 as factually described by himself in an account published subsequently, and fictively by Shakespeare in The Tempest); 2.) the author of gratulatory verses prefixed to Ben Johnson’s Sejanus his Fall; 3.) a man of that name living in Saffron Walden. On the basis of the Sejanus epigram Vivian inclined to the view that the second of these individuals was the man in question.
Epigram I.225 This epigram plays on a second meaning of “numbers,” used to designate poetic meters.
Epigram II.2 In the course of this epigram Campion sketches his autobiography. After writing the first version of this book, while at least pretending to read law at Gray’s Inn, faced with the necessity of earning his living he acquired a M. D. at the University of Caen. In the interim he has also started his career as an English lyricist, and his collaboration with Rossiter. Since publishing his original book of epigrams, as he acknowledges, he has acquired additional skill as a Latin versifier. In terms of content, the 1619 collection features a greater proportion of poems on serious subjects, some revealing considerable depth of feeling, and Campion now adds an innovated element with his poems for and about Caspia and Mellea. The other principal innovation is that the 1619 version has been cleaned up: 1595 poems that would offend a prude have been omitted or toned down. The 1619 set also displays greater metrical adventurousness: the earlier epigrams had been restricted to dactylic hexameters, elegiac couplets, hendecasyllables, and iambic meters, but now we find several odes in Sapphic stanzas (epigrams II.10, II.37, II.144). All in all, there is more willingness to break away from Martial and strike out on his own.
spacerIn line 10 Apollo is informing him of the Gunpowder Plot: he had abandoned Latin versification in favor of the more profitable occupations of medicine and vernacular songwriting, but resumed it when the god inspired him to write De Pulverea Coniuratione.
Epigram II.3 The 1595 edition was printed by Richard Field of Stratford-on-Avon, who also printed Shakespeare’s Lucrece and Venus and Adonis, the 1619 one by E. Griffin. It may be left to students of English printers to determine how precisely Griffen was “more learned.” Presumably the two oldest Michelborne brothers, Edward and Laurence, are meant (see the commentary note on I.180).
Lines 12f. replace a single one in the 1595 edition, to see either the gliding Tiber or the hostile Tagus (the river of Madrid). The substitution reflects the changed political situation.
Epigram II.4 This item was obviously written prior to Elizabeth’s death in 1603.
Epigram II.5 The original epigram ended But in truth one thing bothered me the most. I saw you sitting next to an amazingly handsome girl, eagerly monopolizing the conversation. How I feared lest you were asking her if she would buy your big horse! Campion liked this so much that he substituted a different ending here and rewrote these lines as a separate epigram (II.8).
The 1595 epigram was addressed to Nicholas Hornsey of Bonby, Lincs., who was admitted to Gray’s in in 1586 (Vivian p. 375).
Epigram II.9 Sir Walter Devereux, the highly popular younger brother of the Earl of Essex, was shot from ambush during the siege of Rouen, September 1591. Vivian argued that lines 17 - 19 show that they were written before the end of the siege, and that Campion had participated in the campaign.
For other poetic descriptions of modern weaponry cf. elegies XV and XVI. Campion seems to have had a certain fascination with the subject, or at least thought that guns and gunpowder provided the subject for striking poetic descriptions.
Epigram II.11 Sidney died in October 1586.
Epigram II.12 Vivian (p. 373) compared the following poem by Campion included in the Poems and Sonets of Sundry other Noblemen and Gentlemen appended to Newman’s surreptitious edition of Sidney’s Astrophel and Stella (1591):

My loue bound me with a kisse
That I should no longer staie:
When I felt so sweete a blisse
I had lesse power to passe away:
Alas! that women do not knowe
Kisses make men loath to goe.

Yes she knowes it but too well,
For I heard when Venus’ doue
In her eare did softlie tell
That kisses were the seales of loue:
O muse not then though it be so,
Kisses make men loth to go.

Wherefore did she thus inflame
My desires, heat my bloud,
Instantlie to quench the same
And starue whom she had giuen food?
I the common sence can show.
Kisses make men loath to go.

Had she bid me go at first
It would nere have grieued my hart,
Hope delaide had beene the worst;
But ah! to kiss and then to part!
How deep it strucke, speake, Gods, you know
Kisses make men loth to goe.

Epigram II.14 This epigram replaces one in the 1595 edition on the same theme, which may be translated Melea, you claim that you were raped when you were a genuine virgin, but why didn’t you scream? The naughty girl pertly replies that she wanted to cry out, but was afraid of being heard.
Epigram II.18 Vivian (p. 373) compared Campion’s Fourthe Booke of Ayres (undated) XVII.3 - 6:

Thence is my grief, for Nature, while she stroue
With all her graces and diuinest Arts
To form her too too beautifull of hue,
She had no leasure left to make her true.

Epigram II.19 The meaning of the epigram is clarified by a sidenote in the 1595 edition, Italian etiquette is to praise whatever one offers a friend, but to denounce it if he accepts. Vivian (p. 373) compares Ben Jonson’s Cynthia’s Revels I.i, By heaven, sir, I do not offer it you after the Italian manner; I would you should conceive so of me.
Epigram II.28 Mordant Dr. Campion refers to a consequence of syphilis.
Epigram II.32 As explained by Bullen in a note ad loc., Campion is referring to the Italian practice of curing victims of tarantula bite by playing music for them (hence the tarantella).
Epigram II.37A Vivian (pp. 373f.) noted that the individual in question is Francis Manby, son and heir of Francis Manby, of Elsham, Lincs., gent. He seems to have drowned at sea, and on November 10, 1596 papers were issued by the Prerogative Court of Canterbury allowing his brother William to administer his estate.
Epigram II.40 William Percy [1575 - 1648] author of Sonnets to the Fairest Celia (1597) and other works, was a member of Gloucester Hall, Oxford, to which Campion’s friends Edward Michelborne and Barnabe Barnes also belonged. He was the third son of Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland. Cf. Davis (1967), p. 427 n. 5, for a list of his literary achievements.
Davis also noted that this poem is a free imitation of Horace, Odes I.ix.
Epigram II.40A Captain Thomas Grimston and Captain John Goring led contingents in the Rouen campaign of 1591.
Epigram II.40B Campion is presumably alluding to Spenser’s Shepheards Calender and Faerie Queene.
Epigram II.43 Vivian (p. 376) suggests that the original addressee of this epigram may have been William Pretiman, admitted to Gray’s Inn in 1583.
Epigram II.45 Presumably the Jacobus Thu. to whom this epigram was originally addressed was James Thurbarne, for whom cf. epigram II.94A.
Epigram II.45C Adrasteia was the Roman goddess of Justice.
spacerEpigram II.45C.5 It is difficult to translate albicans rubor accurately, since the ideal of feminine beauty in Campion’s day was so different from our own: women first whitened their faces with lead and then reddened their cheeks and lips with vermillion.
spacerEpigram II.48.4 See the preceding note.
Epigram II.49 The 1619 edition (the only one to contain this epigram) contains an explanatory sidenote, For the earth serves as roof for the inhabitants of the Underworld. This epigram replaces a similar one in the 1595 edition, Shakerley, your lofty strut terrifies the gods of the Underworld lest the roof fall on their heads. There were several men of this name at Gray’s Inn; Vivian (p. 376) quotes a passage from the dedicatory epistle to Nashe’s Strange News in which this same individual is mentioned.
Epigram II.52 The 1595 edition has a similar epigram in this place, Your muddy face, Merinus, is proof of the scavengers’ great neglect. This is accompanied by a marginal gloss, A kind of magistrate among the Londoners responsible for the removal of dung.
Epigram II.53 Vivian (p. 373) compared the first stanza of A Booke of Ayres (1601) XII:

Thou art not faire for all thy red and white,
For all those rosin ornaments in thee,
Thou are not sweet, vnlesse thou pitie me.
I will not sooth thy fancies: thou shalt proue
That beauty is no beautie without loue.

Epigram II.54 Vivian (ib.) compared the following poem by Campion included in the Poems and Sonets of Sundry other Noblemen and Gentlemen appended to Newman’s surreptitious edition of Sidney’s Astrophel and Stella (1591):

Loue whets the dullest wittes, his plagues be such:
But make the wise by pleasing, doat as much.
So wit is purchast by this dire disease.
O let me doat! so Love be bent to please.

Epigram II.55 Perhaps this poem results from the same severe illness recorded in elegy XVI. Did this experience stimulate Campion’s interest in medicine? (But for a sign of such an interest by 1595 cf. the note on ad Thamesin 123.
Epigram II.60 The 1595 version of this poem was somewhat different and slightly more graphic: Thermius, a boy, saw Glaia, a girl, stretched out in sleep. With stealthy hand he drew apart her loosened garments, took her leg, and kissed her smooth lips. She kept silent, as if in the tomb. The boy smiled and attempted the ultimate joy; she still did not stir but gladly submitted to all his tricks - the sly girl. What novel slumber is this, Glaia, defeating the gentle goose and the wakeful Sibyl? As if overcome by a great lethargy you sleep away your nights and days. (The goose in question is one of those that warned the Romans of an enemy attack.)
Campion must have liked this erotic situation, for he also wrote a vernacular version (VIII in the 1601 Booke of Ayres ):

It fell on a sommers day,
While sweete Bessie sleeping laie
In her bowre, on her bed,
Light with curtaines shadowed,
Iamy came: shee him spies,
Opning halfe her heauie eyes.

Iamy stole in through the dore,
She lay slumbring as before;
Softly to her he drew neere,
She heard him, yet would not heare,
Bessie vow’d not to speake,
He resolu’d that dumpe to breake.

First a soft kisse he doth take,
She lay still, and would not wake;
Then his hands learn’d to woo,
She dreamp’t not what he would doo,
But still slept, while smild
To see loue by sleepe beguild.

Iamy then began to play,
Bessie as one buried lay,
Gladly still through this sleight
Deceiu’d in her owne deceit,
And since this traunce begoon,
She sleepes eu’rie afternoone.

Epigram II.63A The Pythagorians believed human beings could be reincarnated as animals.
Epigram II.66 Vergil gives a picture of Dido reunited with her husband Sychaeus at Aeneid VI. 473f.
Epigram II.70 For Fitzgeoffrey see the commentary note on I.178. In the last line the book prints Lauro. For my translation I assume this is a common noun, and that Campion means “to live the life of a poet.” But at the same time, Campion is alluding to his friendship with Laurence Michelburne (see the commentary note on I.180).
Davis (1967), p. 431 n. 10, noted the pun on ede in line 3: the word means both “eat” and “publish.”
Epigram II.72 Zeno and Cleanthes were a pair of ancient Stoic philosophers. This epigram lampoons not only trivial lawsuits but also the tendency of lawyers to spin out cases for their own profit.
Epigram II.75 Thomas Smith of London, to whom the 1595 version was addressed, was admitted to Gray’s Inn in 1586 (Vivian, p.376).
Epigram II.77 Elegy XIII was presumably written about the death of this same girl.
Epigram II.77A The final couplet of this epigram appears as the ending of epigram I.96.
Epigram II.78 Cf. the note on epigram II.37A.
Epigram II.79 This seems to be a ghastly parody of Achilles’ famous observation in the Iliad (VI.147) that “a generation of men are like leaves.”
Epigram II.80 Barnes does seem to have participated in the 1591 French campaign led by Essex (Robert Aris Willmott, Lives of Sacred Poets, 1834, p. 15), although if he made any such claim in his poetry I am unaware of it. Nashe’s claim that he performed poorly there, made in Have with you to Saffron Walden, seems based on nothing more than the present epigram. Though Barnes is treated roughly both here and in epigram I.17, he must have been a friend of Campion, who contributed a dedicatory epigram for one of his books (given here as miscellaneous epigram XI). He had been a member of Gloucester Hall, Oxford, to which Campion’s friends Edward Michelborne and William Percy also belonged, and, evidently like Campion himself, had participated in the 1591 Rouen campaign. The present epigram is praised by Nashe, Have with you to Saffron Walden III.162f. Grossart.
Davis, p. 433 n. 13, observed that “the first line needs the long syllable of nullos instead of the short decem.
Epigram II.83 Richard Tarleton [d. 1588] was a contemporary actor celebrated for his clown parts. There is a biographical sketch in the D. N. B.
The 1595 version was addressed to Robert Castell, of East Hatley, Cambs., and Edmund Bracy (or Bressy) of Branford, Middlesex, both of whom had been admitted to Gray’s Inn in 1588 (so Vivian p. 376).
Epigram II.85 Vivian (p. 374) thought that this epigram resembled a short poem printed in Ferrabosco’s Ayres, as emended by him:

Had those that dwell in error foule
And hold that women have no soule
But seene those moue, they would have said then
Women were the soules of men:
So they due moue each heart and eye
With the worlds soule, their harmonie.

Epigram II.86 Evidently this epigram is addressed to someone named Arnold, whom Vivian did not manage to identify
spacerEpigram II.86A This is another epigram that led Vivian to conclude that Campion participated in the 1591 Rouen campaign.
Epigram II.88 In the 1619 edition AD NASHUM is altered to AD NASSUM. Vivian (p. 374) thought this change may have been introduced as a result of Nashe’s death in 1601. But the poem would lose most of its point if not dedicated to that satirical scourge of literary folly, and it is likelier that the 1619 dedication contains a typographical error.
Presumably Campion knew Nashe from his Cambridge days. Bullen’s suggestion (in a note on this epigram) that Campion is annoyed by Gabriel Harvey’s imitations of classical meters encounters the objection that in his Obseruations in the Art of English Poesy of 1602 Campion enunciated a similar theory of English metrification (although without Harvey’s dogmatism and ostentatious display of learning). But this view is doubtful. Who might the second individual be, a devotee of Tacitus? It is difficult to imagine Campion meant the scholarly Sir Henry Saville, translator of the Histories More likely, Campion was thinking of some contemporary who imitated Tacitus’ prose style, for which a fad had started (the so-called Anti-Ciceronian Movement), with doggish devotion. This interpretation agrees with what is said about Ovid and Vergil below, since the entire thrust of the Movement involved rejection of Golden Age Roman writers in favor of Silver Age ones. But Harvey, in his eccentric way, was the supreme Ciceronian of the age.
Epigram II.92 This epigram is a brief summary of elegy XVI, written on the same theme, which appeared only in the 1595 edition.
Epigram II.93 For the poet Nicholas Breton (1545? - 1626?) cf. the life in the D. N. B. Davis (1967), p. 435 n. 16, suggested that this epigram may have been provoked by the appearance of Brittons Bowre of Delights in 1591. Anyone who dips into Breton’s poetry, as edited by the Rev. Alexander B. Grosart, The Works in Verse and Prose of Nicholas Breton (London, 1879, reprinted New York, 1966), will sympathize with Campion’s appraisal: he might be styled the Namby Pamby of his age.
Epigram II.94 The 1595 version of this poem was addressed to George Chapman (1559? - 1634).
Epigram II.94A James Thurbarne, of New Romsey, Kent, was admitted to Gray’s Inn on February 10, 1585 (so Vivian p. 376). He was also evidently the original addressee of epigram II.45, Jacobus Thu.
Epigram II.94D Vivian (p. 376) thought that the addressee is Sir John Davis [1569 - 1626], author of Orchestra (1594). Much less probably, the addressee could be John Davis [1565? - 1618] “the writing schoolmaster” (biographies of both individuals are in the D. N. B.).
Epigram II.98 The 1595 ed. contains a shorter and somewhat more graphic version under the title TO EDMUND BRACY, How witty Fate is, Brace, when she wishes to be playful in a laughable matter! Old man Morachus was lying atop Bromius’ wife, bouncing away, fiercely shouting at the girl. Suddenly Bromius’ hound leapt up to defend its mistress, and bit off the delicate adulterer’s errant parts. The lecher stood crying without any screaming, for he didn’t want any testimony about his wickedness, though he very much wanted to find his wicked testicles.
For Bracy cf. the note on epigram II.83.
Epigram II.99B The divinity in question is of course Priapus.
Epigram II.103A For the possible identity of Prettus cf. the note on epigram II.43.
Epigram II.104 According to The Beggars’ Opera hangings especially affected the ladies:

Beneath the left ear to fit but a cord
(A rope so charming a zone is!)
The youth in his cart hath the air of a lord
And we cry “There dies an Adonis!”

Epigram II.107 The first line (a woman sliced off the cunt of her servant ) provides a good example of how Campion occasionally toned down his epigrams for the 1619 edition.
Epigram II.107A The second line appears to contain a punning allusion to the mythological figure Marsyas, who lost a flute-playing contest to Athena and was consequently flayed alive.
Epigram II.110 St. Patrick supposedly drove all the snakes out of Ireland. I do not understand the reference to Picus. Hercules (who was posthumously transformed into a god) killed the Hydra at Lerna.
Epigram II.113A John Dowland [1563? - 1626?], the famous lutenist and poet, a figure of great influence in Campion’s life. He was the inventor of the solo lute song and his First Booke of Songs or Ayres of 1597, to which Campion provided the liminary epigram given here as miscellaneous epigram X, served as the model for our poet’s similar volumes. Lygia is a cape of Elis, and Rhodope a chain of Greek mountains.
Epigram II.115 Irus was the disreputable beggar in the Odyssey.
Epigram II.116 Vivian (p. 374) noted that this line is a Latin version of Fourthe Booke of Ayres XVII.12, Shee hath more beauty then becomes the chast.
Epigram II.117 Vivian (loc. cit.) compared Third Booke of Ayres VI:

Why presumes thy pride on that that must so priuate be,
Scarce that it can good be cal’d, though it seemes best to thee,
Best of all that Nature fram’d or curious eye can see?
Tis thy beauty, foolish Maid, that, like a blossome, growes;

Which who viewes no more enioyes than on a bush a Rose,
That by manies handling fades; and thou art one of those.

If to one thou shalt proue true and all beside reiect,
Then art thou but one mans good; which yeelds a poore effect;
For the common’st good by farre deserues the best respect.

But if for this goodnesse thou thy selfe wilt common make,
Thou art then not good at all; so thou canst no way take
But to proue the meanest good, or else all good forsake.

Be not then of beauty proud, but so her colours beare
That they proue not staines to her that them for grace should weare:
So shalt thou to all more fayre than thou wert borne appeare.

Epigram II.119 Metuta is the very rare past participle of metuo. Lais was the name of a famed Corinthian courtesan.
Epigram II.122 The bawdier 1595 edition has unless Pyrrimanus the singer has been fucking you.
Epigram II.124A For the possible identity of Prettus cf. the note on epigram II.43.
Epigram II.126 In antiquity there was a cult of Priapus on the isle of Lampsacus.
Epigram II.128A If this epigram (and also epigram II.133 below) was addressed to a contemporary named Hall, Vivian did not manage to identify the individual in question.
Epigram II.128B Again, Vivian did not propose an identification of the addressee of this poem, or suggest what historical episode may have been meant.
Epigram II.128C The adjective fortipremus is not in the classical Latin lexicon.
Epigram II.129 The 1595 has this epigram in a coarser version, Galla, you say you have never been fucked in your lifetime. Wow, part of your cunt must be dead!
Epigram II.139.2 The Spartans were said to be descended from the men who sprang out of the earth after dragon’s teeth had been sown in its furrows.
Epigram II.139A For a vernacular poem about his penis, cf. no. 14 from the Second Booke of Ayres as analyzed by David Lindley, Thomas Campion (Leiden, 1986) 9f.
Epigram II.141 This whimsically obscene poem is of course about the Judgment of Paris (I assume that mentulam is to be supplied with rigidam in the last line). Ate was the Greek goddess of mischief.
Epigram II.142 I suppose Campion is thinking of the kind of “aversion therapy” whereby the addict is forced to consume a massive dose of the substance in question.
Epigram II.144 For Manby cf. the note on epigram II.37A (this poem must have been written before his death in 1596). “Lucullus” remains unidentified. The 1595 version was addressed to George Gervis of Peatling, Leics., admitted to Gray’s Inn in 1585, and to John Stanford of Leicester, admitted there in 1586 (Vivian p. 376). This is a unique case in which a 1595 poem addressed to Gray’s Inn friends was subsequently readdressed to an old friend of the poet’s from the same period of his life.
Epigram II.144A This was the concluding epigram of the 1595 collection.
Epigram II.146 If this poem was written about a contemporary named Vincent, the individual has not been identified.
Epigram II.147 This what I assume possitalla means — the word is not in the classical Latin lexicon.
Epigram II.156 I give the epigram as found in the 1619 text, but it is difficult to believe that both individuals involved would have the same name. More probably one of their names has displaced the other by a typesetter’s error.
spacerEpigram II.163.5 The magpie uses mud in building its nest.
spacerEpigram II.168.3 It does not matter whether aequum is what Campion actually wrote or whether this is a printer’s error for aquam, since at minimum aquam is present by a transparant pun.
Epigram II.170 In the works of such ancient historians as Suetonius, the death of an emperor was traditionally heralded by dire and unnatural portents, although I do not remember a classical example of this particular one.
Epigram II.174 In this epigram obtundo is used intransitively, a usage not found in classical Latin; I translate its approximate meaning.
Epigram II.177 For Penthesilea cf. the note on epigram I.213.
Epigram II.183 Nerva was the name of a Roman emperor: does Campion mean King James, that inveterate enemy of tobacco? But then this could scarcely be the same Nerva as the aspiring glutton of epigrams I.58 and I.118.
spacerEpigram II.184 A lawyer or judge who accepted bribes from both sides in a case used to be called ambidextrous. Thus the title character in George Ruggle’s 1615 Cambridge comedy Ignoramus is named Ambidexter Ignoramus.
Epigram II.194 Here and in epigram II.199 I have introduced an oats - groats pun because I cannot successfully reproduce the Latin original, which puns on the words for “hay” and “interest.”
spacerEpigram II.200 Evidently Olus has agreed to marry a moneylender’s pregnant daughter in exchange for forgiveness of his debt.
Epigram II.205 Vivian, pp. 374f., pointed out that there were three comets in 1618, most memorably on November 17, which created great concern.
Epigram II.214 I do not know if it is true that a poison can be extracted from sugar. Perhaps Campion was thinking of mel venenatum, discussed by Pliny the Elder at Book XXI.lxxiv of the Natural History.
Epigram II.216 Following Bonner, Vivian, p. 375, thought this epigram was aimed at Anthony Munday [1553 - 1633], “who wrote a little that was good among much that was very indifferent.” There is a D. N. B. article on Munday.
Epigram II.218 I must confess I do not understand the point of the joke. It would be readily comprehensible if we were to read suae: Cinna was afraid that Bassus might get the idea of sodomizing his wife. Why should Cinna have a similar concern about what Bassus would do to his own wife (unless, perhaps, he was already doing the same to her himself)?
Epigram II.220 Presumably Ligo is a physician: as such he wears a black gown, but Campion maliciously pretends to think he is in mourning for all the patients he has killed.
Epigram II.225 For Suffenus cf. the note on epigram I.202.
Epigram II.227 “The old name for Gray’s Inn Lane was ‘Porte Pool,’ whence the characterization of the Inn as the ‘ State of Purpoole’ in the Gesta Grayorum of 1554” (the note of Davis (1967), p.439). But surely there is a bilingual pun at work here. Astraea was the Roman goddess of justice.
Davis translates disiuncti socii as “scattered comrades.” Campion more likely means “comrades from whose company I have separated myself,” since he had left Gray’s Inn in 1595.
Comedies and tragedies were enacted at the Inns of Court as well as at the Universities (indeed, Twelfth Night was written for the purpose).
Miscellaneous epigrams I and II Dedicatory epigrams from Campion’s The Discription of a Maske presented before the Kinges Maiestie at White-Hall, on Twelfth Night last, in honour of the Lord Hayes and his Bride (printed by John Windet for John Brown, London, 1607), pp. 60f. Vivian.
In his speeches and writings James often stated that the relation of a sovereign to his people is that of a father to his wife and children. And in his 1603 maiden address to Parliament he had said “I am the Husband, and the whole Isle is my lawfull Wife,” quoted by Charles Howard McIlwain, The Political Works of James I (Cambridge, Mass. 1918) 272.
Miscellaneous epigram III A concluding epigram from the same work, p. 75 Vivian.
Miscellaneous epigram IV A poem from Campion’s Description, Speeches and Songs of the Lords Maske, presented in the Banqueting-house on the Mariage night of the High and Mightie, Count Palatine, and the Royally descended the Ladie Elizabeth (printed for John Bridge, London, 1613), pp. 98f. Vivian.
Miscellaneous epigram V Dedicatory epigram from Campion’s Songs of Mourning: Bewailing the Untimely Death of Prince Henry (printed for John Browne, London, 1613), p. 103 Vivian.
Miscellaneous epigram VI From the preface “To the Reader” in Campion’s Two Bookes of Ayres (printed for Matthew Lownes and John Browne, London, undated), p. 115 Vivian.
Miscellaneous epigrams VII - IX Prefatory epigrams for the Description of a Maske: Presented in the Banqueting roome at Whitehall, on Saint Stephens Night Last, at the Mariage of the Right Honourable the Earle of Somerset: and the Right Noble the Lady Francis Howard (printed for Laurence Liste, London, 1614), p. 148 Vivian.
Miscellaneous epigram VIII Vivian (p. 365) noted the close resemblance of this poem to epigram I.68.
Miscellaneous epigram X Dedicatory epigram written for John Dowland’s First Booke of Songs or Ayres (1597), p. 351 Vivian.
Miscellaneous epigram XI Dedicatory epigram written for Barnabe Barnes’ Foure Bookes of Offices (1606), p. 352 Vivian (it is rather odd that Campion, who had frequently made fun of Barnes in his epigrams, contributed these gratulatory lines).
There is no such word as refulco in the classical Latin lexicon; it presumably means “reinforce,” but refulcit lies under the suspicion of being a typographical error for refulget. In which case, translate “the one reflects the other.”
Miscellaneous epigram XII Dedicatory epigram written for George Coryat’s Crudites (1611), p. 354 Vivian. One can only guess at the meaning of undigenas, for the word does not exist in the classical Latin lexicon.
Miscellaneous epigram XIII Dedicatory epigram written for Peter Bales’ The Arte of Brachygraphie (1597), p. 481 Davis (1967), where it is sensibly printed as a “doubtful poem” - the rationale for its inclusion is given on p. 509).

ad Dianam This poem and its companion piece, ad Daphnin, appeared in the 1595 collection. A sidenote makes it clear that that the praises of our most serene queen are celebrated under the name of Diana.
ad Dianam 8 “Rescued fields” alludes to the recent defeat of the Armada.
ad Dianam 11 The parenthetical cernitis etiam is addressed to reader, who can be relied upon to perceive that the eagle and the lion represent England’s great enemies, the Roman Catholic Church and Spain.
ad Dianam 24 At this point the nymphs playfully splash the altar, extinguishing the sacrificial fire the poet seeks to kindle.
ad Dianam 27 A sidenote against this line spells out the obvious: lest any part of Elizabeth’s praise perish.
ad Dianam 31 As the forests once came to hear Orpheus singing.
ad Daphnin A sidenote explains the most famous Earl of Essex is intended under the guise of Daphnis.
ad Daphnin 12 “Cynthia” is probably Frances Walsingham, Essex had married secretly and without the Queen’s permission in 1590. If so, Campion seems guilty of somewhat questionable taste, since Frances Walsingham has been married to Sir Philip Sidney, eulogized by many an Anglo-Latin poet as the tragically dead Daphnis after his death in 1586. Is this poem rather unsuccessfully attempting to intimate that Essex is a second Sidney?
ad Daphnin 12 According to Vivian (p. 375) “This poem appears to have been written at the time of the Queen’s reconciliation with Essex in April, 1592, and his return home soon after from the French wars. [qua Tagus ] appears to be a reference to the ‘Journey of Portugal’ of 1589, undertaken against Spain and Portugal…by Sir John Norris and Sir Frances Drake almost entirely at their own expense. Essex’ part in this expedition was likewise carried out expense, and without the Queen’s knowledge or consent.”
ad Daphnin This appears to be one occasion on which Campion’s knowledge of classical mythology failed him (for another, cf. the note on Umbra 48). The “daughters of Atlas” were the Hyades, who had nothing to do with the disappearance of Hercules’ beloved, who was named Hylas, not Hyas.
ad Daphnin 25 Vivian suggested that Menalcus stands for Lord Burleigh.

Elegy I.1 Binns (p. 7) compared Lucretius I.10, nam simul ac species patefactast verna diei. Note that the titles of a number of these elegies, included in the translation for the orientation of the reader, were employed only in the 1595 edition.
Elegy II.18 There is no verb illecebro in the classical Latin lexicon.
Elegy II.25 Dr. Campion would seem to have been impressed by a patient with this peculiar symptom, for it is also mentioned at epigram II.163.
Elegy II.30 It is usually difficult to imagine how Campion might have rendered his Latin lines in
Elegy VIII.39ff. “There is in this a clear echo of Ovid’s stated willingness to fall in love with women of all types in Amores 2.4”: Binns, p. 5.
Elegy IX.1ff. “An antithesis is suggested between the polished cultivation of the town and the boorish rusticity of the country (cf. Tibullus 2.3.1ff.)”: Binns.
Elegy IX.24 There is no adjective terreus in the classical Latin lexicon; I assume it = terrestalis. Oberon makes his first appearance in English literature in Lord Berner’s translation of Heuon of Bordeaux (c. 1534) and figures in Robert Greene’s James VI (acted 1589). Because of his friendship with Spenser and familiarity with his works (attested by epigram II.40B), it is likelier that Campion made his acquaintance from Faerie Queene II.x.75. Despite the appearance of Pyramis and Thisbe in elegies VIII and XII, these poems were published too early to be allusions to A Midsummer Night’s Dream.
Elegy IX.35 For Priapus cf. the note on epigram I.180.
Elegy IX.38 For Priapus cf. the note on elegy XVIII.1.
Elegy XII.7ff This passage seems to reflect the publication of George Chapman’s translation of Musaeus’ Hero and Leander in 1616.
Elegy XIII.15 The allusion is to Ovid using elegies to lament his exile.
Elegy XIV.7 As Vivian notes (p. 374), in these lines Campion appears to stake a claim to be regarded as England’s first elegiac poet. According to a legend going back as far Geofrey of Monmouth, England was first settled by Brutus, a refugee from the fall of Troy.
Elegy XIV.20ff. This interpretation of Chaucer as some kind of proto-Protestant would seem bizarre to the reader unfamiliar with the spurious “Plowman’s Tale” attributed to Chaucer in the sixteenth century. According to its editor (Mary Rhinelander McCarl, The Plowman’s Tale, New York, 1994), this attack on the Papacy was cobbled together in the circle around Thomas Cromwell, which included John Bale and the martyrologist John Foxe. It was first printed independently in 1532, and then incorporated in editions of Chaucer, such as that printed by William Thynne in 1542, down to the nineteenth century. Cf. also Linda M. Georgianna, “The Protestant Chaucer,” in Chaucer s Religious Tales (ed. C. David Benson and Elizabeth Robertson, Cambridge, Mass., 1990) 55 - 70. (As I write this, I happen to look up at the copy of William Blake’s engraving of the Canterbury Pilgrims above my desk, and see the Plowman included in their company.)
Elegy XIV.25 The idea that the purpose of the Canterbury Tales was to expose the vanity of Catholic pilgrimages is a superb example of anachronistic reading!
Elegy XV The title reminds one of Elizabethan musical pieces entitled “A Toye.”
Elegy XVI This theme is handled much more briefly in epigram II.92, which has the same conclusion.
Elegy XVI.5f Jane Shore was the mistress of Edward IV, and Rosamund of Henry II. Both eventually met their downfall, Jane Shore when she was publicly scourged at the bidding of Richard III, and Rosamund when she was allegedly poisoned by Queen Eleanor. They also appear together at Umbra 307f. Davis (1967), p. 395, noted that in contemporary literature these two ladies were often linked together, as in the first thirty lines of Daniel’s Complaynt of Rosamond (1592).
Elegy XVI.9f. “The joys of Caspia’s surrender are…described in physical, tactile terms, which…echo Ovid closely (Amores 1.5)”: Binns, p. 5.
Elegy XVII This epigram, found only in the 1595 edition, describes the delirium attendant on some ill health during the poet’s Gray’s Inn days (epigram II.55 may have been written while recuperating from this illness).
Elegy XVII.10 Cf. Ovid, Ibis 116, noxque die gravior sit tibi, nocte dies.
Elegy XVII.25 William Hatcliffe of Hatcliffe, Lincs., was admitted to Gray’s Inn in 1586 (Vivian, p. xxix).
Elegy XVII.27 For Stanford cf. the note on epigram II.144. For Thurbarne cf. the note on epigram II.94A.
Elegy XVIII.1ff. For the story of Vulcan catching Venus and Mars in flagrante cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses IV.173ff.
Elegy XVIII.17f. In the first epigram prefacing de Pulverea Coniuratione Campion describes Jesuits as Romani lupi, tecti cucillis. Similarly in the poem itself Pluto’s initial complaint about the advance of Protestantism and call for its destruction is answered by a cucullatus reliquis audentiordaemon (de Pulverea Coniuratione I.85). Possibly, therefore, there is an insinuation that Vulcan is behaving slyly in a Jesuit-like manner.
Elegy XVIII.29ff. For the French siege of Naples in 1528 cf. the New Cambridge Modern History (1958) II.344f.

Ad Thamesin 1 As in ad Dianam, Elizabeth is meant (as is stated in a sidenote).
Ad Thamesin 2 Evidently Campion had in mind Ovid, Metamorphoses XIII.838, iam modo caeruleo nitidum caput exere ponto.
Ad Thamesin 7 This line is perhaps suggested by Ovid, Fasti V.41, fulmina de caeli iaculatus Iuppiter arce. Milton’s Ad Quintum Novembris 167 (despicit aetherea dominus qui fulgurat arce ) seems to echo it.
Ad Thamesin 15ff. Sidenote: Americae poetica descriptio. Campion’s America is imagined to be a dark island where strange and sinister things can happen, a conception not entirely unlike that of Prospero’s island in The Tempest. The idea that America (specifically Virginia) was originally a home of Satan and his followers recurs in Phineas Fletcher’s narrative poem about the Gunpowder Plot, Locustae (34f.): see Estelle Haan, Phineas Fletcher. Locustae vel Pietas Iesuitica. With Introduction, Translation and Commentary (Supplementa Humanistica Lovaniensia 9, 1996).
The first line of this passage is modeled after Vergil, Aeneid I.530 = III.163, est locus, Hesperiam Grai cognomine dicunt.
Ad Thamesin 20 For the children of Night and Erebus cf. Hesiod, Theogony 211ff.: they were Doom, Old Age, Death, Murder, Continence, Sleep, Dreams, Discord, Misery, Vexation, Nemesis, Joy, Friendship, Pity, the three Fates, and the three Hesperides.
Ad Thamesin 21 This seemingly bizarre statement that Dis’ children had their faces marked by black clusters of berries is susceptible to a rational explanation: in contemporary paintings devils often were represented as having black faces, and the paint used for this purpose was made out of berry juice.
Ad Thamesin 22f. Probably the golden caves in question are the shafts of Mexican or South American gold mines. In the minds of many contemporary Englishmen, America was primarily thought of in terms of its wealth.
Ad Thamesin 25f. For Cerberus’ pedigree cf. Hesiod, Theogony 310ff.
Ad Thamesin 27 Cf. Ovid, Fasti VI.400, adloquitur, quatiens voce tremente caput.
Ad Thamesin 34f. The Anio and the Tiber are Italian rivers, the Durius and Tagus (the modern Duero and Tajo) are Spanish ones.
In 34 the book has laetificas, translated by Davis (1967) as “arm your joyous bands,” the joy in question presumably being that of making trouble. But this word ought to mean “creating joy,” and so scarcely seems the mot juste here. Laethificas = lethificas, “death-dealing,” seems a superior interpretation (because long e and the diphthongs ae and oe were pronounced the same, they are often written for each other in Latin of the period).
Ad Thamesin 44 The reader automatically thinks of the similar picture at Vergil, Aeneid I.126f.:

et alto
prospiciens summa placidum caput extulit unda.

Ad Thamesin 46 The Ismarus is a mountain river in Thrace.
Ad Thamesin 49ff. As at line 44 immediately above, Campion was no doubt thinking of the picture of Neptune arising from the wave and calming the storm in Book I of the Aeneid. Cf. the simile at I.48ff. comparing Neptune calming the storm to a statesman quelling a riot.
Ad Thamesin 55f. It is impossible to read Campion’s Latin works without gaining the impression that he held a theory about the corruptive power of money. This attitude is notably reflected in his elegy V, and a number of his epigrams display a dislike of moneylenders and usury.
Ad Thamesin 60 Campion’s use of Hesperii for the Spanish is idiosyncratic (it is also used at de Pulverea Coniuratione I.385). Normally a reader would understand the word to designate Italians. Milton also uses Hesperia to designate Spain at In Quintum Novembris 102. So does Charles Fitzgeoffrey, at Affaniae III.57.2 and Cenotaphia 9.2. This is a possible, albeit not definite, sign that Milton was familiar with this poem.
Ad Thamesin 65 One is reminded of Juno’s speech to Allecto at Aeneid VII.335ff, where she urges the Fury to disrupt the peace of Italy out of a similar resentment:

tu potes unanimos armare in proelia fratres
atque odiis versare domos, tu verbera tectis
funereasque inferre faces, tibi nomina mille,
mille nocendi artes. fecundum concute pectus,
dissice compositam pacem, sere crimina belli.

Ad Thamesin 94 This line is designed to echo Vergil, Aeneid IV.93, egregiam vero laudem et spolia ampla refertis.
Ad Thamesin 95 A variant of Terence, Phormio 203, fortis fortuna adiuvat.
Ad Thamesin 98 Cf. Lucan, Bellum Civile V.86f.:

quod numen ab aethere pressum
dignatur caecas inclusum habitare cavernas?

Ad Thamesin 100 An interesting aspect of Campion’s art is his ability to say the same things seriously and comically. Elegy V concludes:

verum si olfecerit aurum
mulcebit barbam Mellia nostra tuam.

Ad Thamesin 104 Sidenote: Avaritiae domus (see the discussion of the imitation of Spenser’s device of emblematic “houses” in the Introduction). Syrtis is a huge sandbank off the Libyan coast; Campion selects it as Avarice’s home because of its isolation, not because her house is necessarily one built on sand in the manner indicated at Matthew 7:6 - 7.
Ad Thamesin 122 The verb gurgito does not stand in the classical Latin lexicon.
Ad Thamesin 123 It is noteworthy that Campion uses the words fellis adusti, for this indicates an interest in medicine at a time when he was still reading law at Gray’s Inn. For choler adust as a cause of madness and frenzy cf. Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy I.i.i.iv (p. I.140 of the Everyman edition).
Ad Thamesin 126f. The Romans thought the peacock was Juno’s bird. Cf., for example, Ovid, Ars Amatoria I.627, laudatas ostendit avis Iunonia pinnas.
Ad Thamesin 130 Campion seems to have been thinking of Ovid, Metamorphoses VII.662f:

lucis pars ultima mensae
est data

Ad Thamesin 132 This line contains an echo of Metamorphoses VI.64, longum curvamine caelum.
Ad Thamesin 136 In mythology Tethys is the consort of Oceanus. In classical Latin the genitival form is Tethyos, as in the phrase Tethyos unda at Lucan I.414 and Martial, Spectacula iii.6. This is either an author’s mistake or a typographical error for Thetidosque.
Ad Thamesin 142 In his translation Davis (1967) makes it clear that simulatis fronte capillis refers to fog or mist.
Ad Thamesin 148f. Cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses III.407, fons erat inlimis, nitidis argenteus undis.
Ad Thamesin 151 Sidenote: fons invidiae sacer (“a fountain consecrated to Envy”).
Ad Thamesin 175 For silentia rupit (also introducing a speech) cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses I.208.
Ad Thamesin 187 Cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses V.384, hamata percussit harundine Ditem.
Ad Thamesin 191 There was supposedly an entrance to the Underworld at Mt. Taenarum in Laconia.
Ad Thamesin 197 Hades is usually represented as married to Proserpina (as at 219 below, where he is called “Ceres’ son-in-law.” Here, perhaps, one should think of “ Plutoes grisly Dame” mentioned by Spenser at Faerie Queene I.i.37.
Ad Thamesin 202 Campion was evidently thinking of Seneca, Hercules Furens 709f.:

est in recessu Tartari obscuro locus,
quem gravibus umbris spissa caligo alligat.

Ad Thamesin 206 Cf. Ovid, Ars Amatoria III.321, saxa ferasque lyra movit Rhodopeïus Orpheus.
Ad Thamesin 208f. Orpheus was torn apart by Thracian maenads, and his still-singing head was thrown into the river. Ovid tells the story at Metamorphoses XI.1 - 85. Cf. particularly XI.49f.:

membra iacent diversa locis, caput, Hebre, lyramque

Ad Thamesin 213 Campion seems to have been thinking of Vergil, Aeneid IV.668, resonat magnis plangoribus aether and XII.607, resonant late plangoribus aedes.
Ad Thamesin 218 Cf. Aen. XI.38, maestoque immugit regia luctu.
Ad Thamesin 219 For Cereris gener as a designation for Pluto cf. Juvenal x.112 (this in turn was suggested by Ovid, Metamorphoses X.112).
Ad Thamesin 225 Cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses VIII.206f.: nec te spectar Booten / aut Helicen.
Ad Thamesin 235 Cf. Vergil, Aeneid VI.570f., ultrix accincta flagello / Tisiphone.
Ad Thamesin 242 Here the subject of dedignante is Calistho, in violation of the rule that the subject or direct object of a main sentence is not supposed to be the subject of an ablative absolute clause within that sentence.
Ad Thamesin 261 Cf. Ps. - Seneca, Hercules Oetaeus 487f.:

non ille primos accipit soles locus,
non ille seros.

Umbra 3 Umbriferus was first used by Vergil, Aeneid (VI.473), of a shadowy grove, and was imitated by Ps. - Ovid, Epicedion Drusi 428, Juvenal x.194, Statius, Thebais I.578 and X.194.
Umbra 4f. This description of Persephone’s function presages the later description of her “garden” (255ff.).
Umbra 5 Suggested by Vergil, Aeneid VI.163, indigna morte peremptum (also occupying the second half of a line).
Umbra 7 The allusion is to the tale of Orpheus attempting to rescue Eurydice from the Underworld.
Umbra 8 Cf. the phrase tristes umbrae at Vergil, Aeneid V.734; this was imitated by a number of subsequent writers, such as Ps. - Seneca, Octavia 958,tristes mittit ad umbras.
Umbra 11 Lucifugus is a compound adjective found at Vergil, Georgics IV.243 (where it is used of moths).
Umbra 13 Cf. Vergil, Aeneid V.246, viridique advelat tempora lauro, and ib. 539, cingit viridisnti tempora lauro.
Umbra 15 For prodita somno cf. Aeneid I.470 (also at line-end).
Umbra 16 Facta parens is a phrase used repeatedly by Ovid (Amores II.xix.28, Ibis 566, Metamorphoses VI.192, Tristia II.i.260). In writing this line Campion may have been thinking of Ovid, Fasti II.176, quae fuerat virgo credita, mater erat.
Umbra 17 The words in visceribus terrae rather misleadingly suggest an Underworldly setting for this part of this tale (Ovid uses this phrase in writing about the Underworld at Metamorphoses I.138).
Umbra 18 Varia…imagine comes from Vergil, Aeneid XII.665.
Umbra 23 Cybele. She not called a mother because she is mother of the gods, as suggested by Davis (1967), but rather because in this poem she is presented as mother of Iole and the other nymphs who dwell in this valley.
Umbra 24 Sideris ortu is found at the Vergilian Culex 347 (also at line-end).
Umbra 26ff. An elaborate way of saying that she protects the crops by forbidding winter from entering her valley. Rhodope was a snow-capped mountain in Thrace, and Taurus a similar one in Lydia.
Gelidaeque pruinae is found (always at line-end) at Lucretius V.215, VI.529, and Vergil, Georgics II.263.
Umbra 27 Imbriferos…austros is found at Ovid, Metamorphoses XIII.725.
Umbra 35 Cf. pallentes violas at Vergil, Eclogue ii.47.
Umbra 39 The translation assumes that Campion was thinking of Ovid, Heroides xviii.113, properata sine ordine raptim.
Umbra 45 This line is patterned after Ovid, Amores III.vii.5, nec potui cupiens, pariter cupiente puella.
Umbra 46 For brachica circundat collo cf. Ovid, Heroides xvi.167, Metamorphoses VI.479 and IX.605.
Umbra 48 Davis (1967) noted that Campion appeared to be confusing Bacchus (son of Semele) with Phaethon. This is particularly surprising since the phrase Semeleia proles is used thrice in Ovid’s Metamorphoses, each time in a context where Bacchus is clearly indicated (III.520, V.329, IX.641).
Umbra 52 Fasque nefasque appears at the end of the line at Metamorphoses VI.585.
Umbra 55 Literally “apples of mandrake.” Evidently Campion thought (as do many modern scholars) that the drug moly with which Odysseus subdues Circe in the Odyssey is mandrake.
Umbra 64 For pollice chordas at line-end cf. Tibullus II.v.3, Ovid, Amores II.iv.27, Metamorphoses V.339, X.145, Statius, Silvae IV.iv.53, V.v.31, and Achilleis I.187.
Umbra 65 Ovid uses Hecateia carmina at Metamorphoses XIV.44.
Umbra 66 For excipit artus at line-end cf. Met. X.186 and XII.423.
Umbra 68 Cf. Vergil, Aeneid I.218, spemque metumque inter dubii.
Umbra 75 Vergil used digna ferentis at Aen. II.144 (also at line-end).
Umbra 76 For quamvis sopita cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses IX.471.
Umbra 77 For amplexibus haeret cf. Met. IV.184 and VII.143 (both at line-end).
Umbra 78 For indulgetque furori cf. Met. IX.512 and Statius, Thebais V.670 (both at line-end).
Umbra 81 For sensisse videtur at line-end cf. Ovid, Heroides xxi.193.
Umbra 82 Spoliumque pudoris is suggested by ib. xvii.114.
Umbra 84 And ingeniosus amor comes from ib. xx.28.
Umbra 86 Clari Hymenaei is taken from Lucretius I.97.
Umbra 89 Cf. Propertius IV.iii.53, omnia surda tacent.
Umbra 90 Cf. insignia morbi at Horace, Sermones II.iii.254.
Umbra 91 And stomacho valet at Juvenal vi.100.
Umbra 92 Membra quatit is found at Vergil, Aeneid III.30 (also at the beginning of the line).
Umbra 104 Her bizarre desire to eat the lilies is probably a manifestation of the well-known ability of pregnancy to cause food-cravings.
Umbra 105 Suggested by Ovid, Epistulae ex Ponto I.viii.41, animus desiderat agros (also at line-end).
Umbra 110 Cf. Vergil, Aeneid IX.219, causas nequiquam nectis inanis.
Umbra 117 Perhaps suggested by Ovid, Fasti II.171f:

uteri manifesta tumore
proditur indicio ponderis ipsa suo.

Umbra 118 Did it occur to Campion that in some quarters this passage might have been considered blasphemous?
Umbra 121 For sceleris sed nomine cf. Ovid, Ibis 363.
Umbra 126 For ingenuus pudor cf. Catullus lxi.79 and Juvenal xi.154.
Umbra 13 2Post tibi succedam expresses the idea that, if once the boy can identify and claim his father, she will follow his example in claiming the same man to be his father.
Umbra 133f.The printed text is incomprehensible. Davis (1967) translated “The hateful Naiad, hiding beneath the bark of a poplar, laughed at her casting such foolish thoughts on the wind,” but such a meaning cannot be extracted from the genitive venti. Although such is the reading in both the 1595 and 1619 texts, surely Campion wrote ventis (cf. Catullus lxiv.111, nequiquam vanis iactantem cornua ventis). I understand laeva arbitra as being in apposition with Naias, which requires the insertion of a comma at the end of 133.
Umbra 135 Tenuesque myricae is used at Ovid, Metamorphoses X.97 (also at line-end).
Umbra 142 Fama vagatur is used at Vergil, Aeneid II.17 (also at line-end).
Umbra 156 For patris imago cf. Propertius III.iii.29.
Umbra 159 For furta with forms of cano cf. Ovid, Ars Amatoria I.33, Tristia II.i.249, and Propertius
Umbra 164 Campion was thinking of caput inter nubila condit at Vergil, Aeneid IV.177 and X.767.
Umbra 166 Ocior Euro is found at Vergil, Aeneid VIII.223, XII.733, Statius, Thebais VI.521, and also Horace, Odes II.xvi.24 (in a stanza generally regarded as an interpolation).
Umbra 167 For maternusque dolor cf. Propertius III.vii.68.
Umbra 168 For fastigia coeli cf. Statius, Achilleis I.619 (also at line-end).
Umbra 170 Lenire dolores is also found at line-end at Ovid, Metamorphoses XIII.317.
Umbra 173 Cf. Vergil, Aeneid VIII.19, cuncta videns magno curarum fluctuat aestu.
Umbra 186 Based on Aeneid IV.194, turpique cupidine captos (also at line-end).
Umbra 189f. Cf. Vergil, Aeneid IV.391f.:

suscipiunt famulae conlapsaque membra
marmoreo referunt thalamo stratisque reponunt.

Umbra 193f. Apollo reminds Jupiter of his own seductions: of Leda in the guise of a swan, of Europa in that of a bull, of Danae as a shower of gold, and of Alcmene on a night made abnormally long.
Umbra 199 Suscitat iras stands at the end of the hexameter line at Vergil, Aeneid X.263, Ovid, Metamorphoses VIII.474 and XIV.495 (the latter with resuscitat ).
Umbra 202 For labentibus annis cf. Vergil, Aeneid II.154, Ovid, Tristia IV.x.27, and Statius, Thebais IV.i.31 (all at line-end).
Umbra 209 For turba sororum at the end of the hexameter line cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses V.305, XIII.743, and Propertius II.xxxii (xxxi + xxxii).37. Who are the sisters in question? I am not sure who the Graces’ sisters might be; more probably, therefore, they are Iole’s sister-nymphs.
Umbra 213 Campion may have been thinking of Martial IX.liv.3, levis traheretur harundine praeda.
Umbra 216 For euntes aquae = “running waters” cf. Propertius IV.xv.28.
Umbra 217f. Cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses VII.185f.,

homines volucresque ferasque
solverat alta quies.

Umbra 227 For dulcia vincula cf. Propertius III.xv.10.
Umbra 234 Cf. inficit umbras at the end of the hexameter line at Ovid, Metamorphoses X.596.
Umbra 251 For immobilis haeret cf. Vergil, Aeneid VII.250 (also at line-end).
Umbra 254 For indulgens animo cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses VII.566 and Tristia I.iii.56.
Umbra 255ff. To understand the following passage, the reader must be aware that Campion is invoking the idea of reincarnation or metempsychosis set forth by Plato in the Republic. This Underworldly “garden” is a kind of staging-area where the souls of great beauties reside after having been incarnated as mortals (purifying themselves in the fountain when the return), or, as in the case of Queen Anne and Princess Elizabeth, while waiting to be incarnated as mortals.
Umbra 259 The eagle is called Ioves ales at Vergil, Aeneid I.394, XII.247, Ovid, Ars Amatoria III.420, and Metamorphoses VI.517.
Umbra 262 For errore viarum cf. Lucan, Bellum Civile IV.91 (also at line-end).
Umbra 265 Cf. Catullus xx.2f.:

non harum modo, sed quot aut fuerunt
aut sunt aut aliis erunt in annis,

and also Catullus xlix.2f.:

non harum modo, sed quot aut fuerunt
aut sunt aut aliis erunt in annis.

Umbra 270 For Campion’s moralizing dislike of cities, cf. epigrams I.166 and II.121.
Umbra 273 In contemporary Latin heros and its feminine equivalent heroina could mean “lord, lady, ” as well as “hero, heroine.” Here it probably embraces both meanings.
Umbra 278 The reason he must wash his feet presently becomes clear: this is a place of sanctity, where the returning souls of the dead must also purify themselves before entering.
Umbra 293 A variant on Vergil’s dum vita manebat (Aeneid V.724, VI.698, VI.661, always at line-end).
Umbra 294 Obliquo lumine is used in this sense at Statius, Thebais X.887.
Umbra 295ff. First he sees a bevy of noble ladies from ancient Greece. These include Antiope, Helen, Hermione, Argia (the daughter of Adrastus, who married Oedipus’ son Polynices), and Hippodameia (who married the man who won her in a chariot-race). “Girls captured by apples” refers at least primarily to Atalanta; Campion may also have been thinking of Cydippe (Ovid, Ars Amatoria I.457). Neither Vivian nor Davis (1967) ventured a guess about the identify of Deiphile. Davis (1967) speculated by Rhodope “Procne is assumedly meant; she was called Rhodope after the mountain range which dominates Thrace, the home of her husband,” and that Hiera is Leander’s beloved Hero, although I have never seen her name thus written or given an extra syllable. He rightly noted that Roxana was the bride of Alexander the Great, but, despite what he wrote, the Bactryian queen who served as the protagonist of William Alabaster’s revenge tragedy Roxana produced at Cambridge sometime in the mid-1590’s, was a different individual entirely.
Umbra 306 Cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses I.168f.:

est via sublimis, caelo manifesta sereno;
lactea nomen habet, candore notabilis ipso.

Umbra 307f. Morpheus sees a pair of celebrated British beauties of past times: for Rosamund and Jane Shore cf. the commentary note on elegy XVI.5f.
Umbra 310f. Now he encounters several modern beauties. First, Lady Elizabeth Fitzgerald, Surrey’s “Geraldine” (unless stated otherwise, these identifications were made by Vivian p. 375).
For coelesti…ore cf. Ovid, Fasti IV.492.
Umbra 311f. Alice Spenser, who was first married to the Earl of Derby,and then to Lord Ellesmere
Umbra 317f. Lady Penelope Rich, Sidney’s “Stella”; she married Lord Mountjoy, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.
Umbra 322ff. According to Vivian, this is Frances, daughter of Thomas Viscount Howard of Bindon. “Magni senis excipienda cubili refers to her marriage with the old Lord Hertford.” Davis (1967) adds that she is “not to be confused with Lady Somerset.” But one wonders whether the latter identification can be excluded altogether. “In 1613…Frances, the Earl of Suffolk’s nymphomaniac daughter became the mistress of James’ reigning favourite, Robert Carr. She obtained an annulment of her marriage to then standards, and had the effrontery to marry Carr in the white dress and flowing hair of a virgin. James took a prurient interest in the annulment proceedings, and genially presided over the wedding, which was celebrated with unparalleled magnficence and debauchery in September 1613; two months later he created the bridegroom Earl of Somerset.” J. P. Kenyon, The Stuarts (London, 1958) 46. Her marriage was a notable event, and Campion wrote a masque for the occasion (pp. 147ff. Vivian). In line 324 he might be writing of her original marriage to the Earl of Essex and sarcastically describing him as an old man because of his impotence.
Umbra 323 For roseisque labellis cf. Catullus lxiii.74 and lxxx.1.
Umbra 324 Suave rubens comes from Vergil, Eclogues iii.63 and iv.43.
Umbra 325ff. “Doubtless Catherine Parr, whose third husband was Henry VIII. She had four husbands (coniugibus laetae minus )”: Vivian. But there are reasons for thinking this identification is not beyond dispute. The other women included in this catalogue were more or less Campion’s contemporaries, Catherine Parr was distinctly earlier, and 327 futura indicates that she, like the other ladies in this passage, is yet to be born at the time Morpheus sees her. Also, the precise meaning of the words coniugubus laetae minus is ambiguous. If laetae and huic are both construed together with succedit, this would mean, as Davis (1967) translated, “After this woman less fortunate in husbands came lovely Bridget, and Lucia.” But, if so, laetae minus huic is an inelegant and somewhat odd word order, and the possibility cannot be discounted that the words laetae minus are to be construed with Brigetta…et Lucia (“Bridget and Lucy, less fortunate than she in their husbands.”) So the identity of Catherina remains unsettled; in consequence, the meaning of tacitam minantur lumina fraudem is unclear.
Umbra 328f. She was tentatively identified by Vivian as Bridget Fitzgerald, daughter of the Earl of Kildare, married successively to the Earl of Tyrconnel and Viscount Kingsland.
Umbra 329 Bullen was the first to identify Lucia as Lucy, Countess of Bedford.
Umbra 330 Davis (1967) translated “Beauty equaled beauty,” which seems quite suitable to the context; but, at least in the classical Latin Campion aspired to imitate, the verb pario has no such meaning.
Umbra 332 The banqueter simile is suggested by Horace, Sermones I.i.119.
Umbra 333ff. Anne, James’ consort. Campion also made word-plays on her name in epigrams I.42 and I.42.
Umbra 340 This seems suggested by Statius, Thebais I.466, mens sibi conscia fati
Umbra 342ff. The daughter, Princess Elizabeth. In 1613 she had married Frederick, Palatine Prince of the Rhine; Campion had written The Lords Maske for the occasion (pp. 89ff. Vivian).
Umbra 347 Polyclitus was a famous Greek sculptor.
Umbra 355f. For nudum aera cf. Statius, Silvae III.ii.70, Thebais IX.529 and XII.19
Umbra 351 Sinful Ixion had embraced a cloud, mistakenly imagining he was raping Juno.
Umbra 361 For praemia noctis cf. Statius, Thebais X.337 (also at line-end).
Umbra 363 For pectore flammas at the end of the hexameter line cf. Vergil, Aeneid I.44, VII.356, Ovid, Metamorphoses VII.17 and VIII.356.
Umbra 365 For lumine cassa at the end of the hexameter line cf. Lucretius IV.368 and Statius, Thebais II.15.
Umbra 370 Campion may have been thinking of the invocation at Ovid, Metamorphoses XI.622, Somne, quies rerum, placidissime, Somne, deorum.
Umbra 377 For oscula labris at line-end cf. Lucretius IV.1194.
Umbra 386 Cf. Ovid, Heroides vi.41 and Fasti III.485, heu! ubi pacta fides?
Umbra 391 An evident echo of Seneca, Hercules Furens 1052, vis victa morbi pectus oppressum levet.
De Pulverea Coniuratione, AD AUGUSTISSIMUM I assume what when Campion calls James patrone he means the patron of the entire British people (cf. this usage of this word, applied to God, at De Pulverea Coniuratione I.1, and its grim parody at de Pulverea Coniuratione I.76): it would presumably be unusual for an individual writer to claim a patronage relationship with the sovereign, and in this case would have no visible basis in fact.
De Pulverea Coniuratione, Epigram 1 On lines 14f. Lindley-Sowerby have a note, “[‘the third time’] may refer to the Henrician Reformation, the Elizabethan restoration, and the Gunpowder Plot, or to the three plots against James, the ‘ By,’ ‘Main’ and ‘Gunpowder’ Plots, or to three celebrated victories — the Armada, the Gowrie Plot and the Gunpowder Plot.”
Epigrams 2 and 3 These epigrams satirize the practice of expatriate English Jesuits returning home in disguise. Campion was thinking primarily of Father Henry Garnet, who was tried and executed for his alleged foreknowledge of the Plot. The allusion to hoods foreshadows the evil hooded advisor who appears in the poem itself (I.75ff.).
Epigram 4 Campion professes to find it sinister that gunpowder was invented by Roger Bacon, a Franciscan (cf. also De Pulverea Coniuratione I.90, inventum hoc nostrum pulvis adest, talesque creatur in usus ).
Epigraph to John Donne Donne published his Ignati Conclave or Ignatius his Conclave in 1611, both in Latin and in English (the English version has been edited by T. S. Healy S. J., Oxford, 1969). It is more likely that Campion is referring to this double publication than to Donne’s Ignatii Conclave and also to his Pseudo-Martyr of 1610, as Lindley-Sowerby thought.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.1 The beginning is contrived to be reminiscent of the first line of the Aeneid, arma virumque cano, though here the second syllable of cano is to be scanned short.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.3 The allusion is of course to the parting of the Red Sea.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.4f. Salem (Jerusalem), Latinized as Solyma.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.7 For sanguine fuso at the end of the hexameter line cf. Lucan, Bellum Civile II.158, II.439, IV.278, VI.250, VI.310, and Statius, Thebais II.87.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.20 The present line appears to translate Book IV, stanza i.3 of Edward Fairfax’ 1600 translation of Tasso’s Gerusalemme Liberata, in which Satan is called The ancient foe to man and mortal seed (this translation has been edited by Kathleen M. Lea and T. M. Gang, Oxford, 1981).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.25 One cannot be certain whether pacifico is to be construed with sceptro or monarchae. In the former case, stress is laid on the fact that James’ succession of Elizabeth was accomplished without dissension; in the latter, the peaceful nature of his rule is emphasized.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.29 In the ms. the comma stands after resonare and Lindley-Sowerby duly translate cities and palaces replete with splendour in varied pomp. This presupposes that replere can take an object in the accusative. Rather than accepting such unnatural syntax, I prefer to place the comma after decusque.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.31 Lindley-Sowerby noted the sarcastic reference to the “Most Catholic King” of Spain.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.32f. As the Plotters will discover when they make a fruitless appeal for support to the Spanish, that nation was determined on abiding by the the peace treaty made with England in 1604. As in ad Thamesin (cf. line 60 of that poem with the note ad loc.) Campion idiosyncratically uses Hesperii to designate the Spanish.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.33f. Campion refers to Mountjoy’s crushing of the Irish rebellion and the surrender of Tyrone.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.36ff. Lindley-Sowerby noted the resemblance of a passage from Book IV of Gerusalemme Liberata, translated by Fairfax (stanza i.5ff.) as:

And when he saw their labours well succeed
He wept for rage, and threat’nd dire mischance,
He chokt his curses, to himself he spake
Such noise wild buls, that softly bellow make.

De Pulverea Coniuratione I.49 Campion appears to have borrowed this conceit from the epilogue to Matthew Gwinne’s tragedy Nero (1603) 5001f.:

vix scias magis an suos
amet, an ametur a suis.

De Pulverea Coniuratione I.51 James.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.66ff. Lindley-Sowerby noted that Satan is frequently portrayed as a shape-shifter. They compared the portrait of the defeated giant Typhoeus at Hesiod, Theogony 829ff. There is a shorter description of Satan undergoing similar transformations at William Alabaster’s Elisaeis 231f.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.82 Campion is touching on a theme familiar in the works of a number of other writers of the period, England’s isolation. This topos can be traced back to Vergil, Eclogue i.5, et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos. Cf. Shakespeare, Cymbeline III.i.13f., “a world by itself” and III.iv.136f. “I’ th’ world’s volume / Our Britain seems as of it, but not in’t,” and also, most memorably, Richard II II.i. 42ff.:

This other Eden, demi-paradise,
This fortress built by Nature for herself
Against infection and the hand of war
This happy breed of men, this little world,
This precious stone set in the silver sea,
Which serves it in the office of a wall,
Or as a moat defensive to a house,
Against the envy of less happier lands

De Pulverea Coniuratione I.85ff. Compare Abaddon’s speech at Wallace 202ff. (also imitated by Herring 167ff.). For the Vergilian prototype cf. Aeneid VII.170ff.:

tectum augustum, ingens, centum sublime columnis
urbe fuit summa, Laurentis regia Pici,
horrendum silvis et religione parentum.
hic sceptra accipere et primos attollere fascis
regibus omen erat; hoc illis curia templum,
hae sacris sedes epulis; hic ariete caeso
perpetuis soliti patres considere mensis.

De Pulverea Coniuratione I.88 Here simul = simul ac.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.90 Cf. the note on epigram 4. Lindley-Sowerby noted that Attorney General Coke made the same point at the trial of the surviving Plotters (Relation III.1), “Gunpowder was the invention of a Fryar, one of that Romish rable,” and that this statement was also echoed by John Donne in his Pseudo-Martyr of 1610 (sig. B 4r).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.93 As a parallel to this device of the two religions, Lindley-Sowerby compared Una and Duessa in Book I of Spenser’s Faerie Queene. (In introducing Campion’s ad Thamesin I have pointed out similarities to this work by Campion’s friend).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.97 The idea is that there are two forms of Fear and two of Hope, one good and one bad apiece. This may have been suggested by the two kinds of Strife described by Hesiod at Works and Days 11ff., but also has a Spenserian ring.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.99 “This depiction seems to fuse the myth of Echidna, prototype of the deceptively beautiful woman, with Plutus, the blind god of riches (himself often blended with Pluto, the god of the Underworld”: Lindley-Sowerby. For Campion’s views about the corruptive nature of money cf. the note on ad Thamesin 55f.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.104 “An echo, perhaps, of Spenser’s depiction of the castle of Lucifera, in The Faerie Queene, Book I, Canto 5”: Lindley-Sowerby.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.111 “Barbers’ shops were traditionally places of gossip. See Horace, Satires I.vii.3”: Lindley-Sowerby.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.112ff. At de Natura Rerum I.85ff. Lucretius used the story of the sacrifice of Iphigeneia at Aulis, previously dramatized by Euripides in the Iphigeneia at Aulis, as an object lesson about the evils created by superstitious religion.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.113 Her father Agamemnon permitted the sacrifice because Teiresias (the angry prophet mentioned at 115 below) had told him that Artemis demanded it so that the wind would blow and carry the becalmed Greek fleet to Troy.
The force of the future erit is somewhat unclear. Sometimes Anglo-Latin writers of the period employed a future indicative rather than a form of the subjunctive in “future less vivid” and similar hypothetical constructions, and so it seems to be used here.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.117f. A variaton on Lucretius’ conclusion (I.101), tantum religio potuit suadere malorum. (The resemblance would be all the greater if we were to substitute an exclamation point for the ms. question mark).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.118f. “The model for an age declining into strife is Ovid, Metamorphoses I.145ff. Campion may also have had in mind Matthew 10:21”: Lindley-Sowerby.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.122 The triple nation is of course James’ kingdom of England, Scotland, and Wales.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.123 For turbida Roma cf. Persius Satire i.5.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.129 “Boniface III, ‘that ambitious beast’ who ‘ obtained that Rome should be called the Head of all the Christian Churches,’ as Ursinus Joachimus put it in The Romane Conclave (1609), p.232. See also Donne, Ignatius his Conclave [p. 95 Healey] and note p. 106 ad loc. In his Premonition James sets out to prove that Boniface III is Antichrist (McIlwain, pp. 144-5)”: Lindley-Sowerby. [They were referring to The Political Works of James I (ed. Charles Howard McIlwain, Cambridge, Mass. 1918.]
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.132 Heraclitus of Ephesus was remembered as “the weeping philosopher”; cf. Juvenal, Satire x.34.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.140 Robert Catesby was one of the original members of the Plot (Campion is about to introduce the others), and conceived the idea of undermining and blowing up Parliament. For this reason, and because of his charismatic personality, he more than anyone else can be described as the Plot’s leading man. It will be observedthat , among Anglo-Latin poets who wrote Plot narratives, Campion is uniquely faithful to the historical record in making Catesby rather than Fawkes the ringleader. It is perhaps curious that neither Campion nor any of these other poets (such as Herring, Wallace, Fletcher, Milton) professes to fiind anything sinister in the fact that he was a direct descendent of Sir William Catesby, the notorious henchman of Richard III (he was the “cat” in the old jingle about the cat, the rat, and Lovell my dog).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.142 John Grant and Ambrose Rookwood. In this passage, uncharacteristically, Campion is guilty both of historical error and of self-contradiction, when he states or at least manages to convey the impression that Winter and Rookwood were original members of the conspiracy. For the true facts of their later recruitment are acknowledged by Campion at the proper place in his narrative (cf. the Commentary note on I.600ff).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.144 Thomas Winter, Christopher Wright, and Thomas Percy. Percy, a scion of the famous northern family and kinsman of the Earl of Northumberland (whom some contemporaries suspected to have been the entire enterprise), was one of the ringleaders of the Plot. In his Pyramis of 1608William Gager acknowledged his high lineage (595ff.):

gentili laude calentis
lcaris excellens, claroque insignis ocelli
nomine tranflxi, vultum vertisset ab hoste
Percius armato?

De Pulverea Coniuratione I.145 Lindley-Sowerby note that Campion follows Coke’s insistence at the trial that the conspirators “were Gentlemen of good houses, of excellent parts, howeuer most pernitiously seduced, abused, corrupted and Iesuited, of very competent fortunes and states” (Relation sig. E 44). This statement is echoed more elaborately by Gager at Pyramis 587ff.:

non etenim res caepta illis, queis res vel adesa,
spesve absumpta fuit, tyronibus, aut temulentis,
ignavisve, imisve viris, sed sanguine cretis
illustri, et validis, et siccis, et veteranis,
fortuna florente usis, nimiumque beata,
(cui nihil excepto moderamine defuit eius)
ingentique animorum vi, te denique plenis.

De Pulverea Coniuratione I.150 Lindley-Sowerby noted the echo of Vergil, Aeneid II.265, somno vinoque sepultam. (as far as I know, the evident insinuation that Catesby was an alcoholic was entirely fabricated by Campion).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.152ff. Lindley-Sowerby compared Hope’s bedside speech to Catesby with Satan’s similar speech to the sleeping Pope at Milton, In Quintum Novembris 92ff., and suggested that for both the source may be Mercury’s speeches to Aeneas at Vergil, Aeneid IV.265ff. and 560ff. It is true that both speeches begin with an echo of IV.560 - 2:

nate dea, potes hoc sub casu ducere somnos,
nec quae te circum stent deinde pericula cernis,
demens, nec Zephyros audis spirare secundos?

Nevertheless in terms of dramatic situation, the true model for both these speeches is Allecto’s address to the sleeping Turnus at VII.421ff., which also begins with a rousing question:

Turne, tot incassum fusos patiere labores
et tua Dardaniis transcribi sceptra colonis?

De Pulverea Coniuratione I.156 “Impending legislation against Catholics was held at the time and since to have been the immediate cause of the Plot”: Lindley-Sowerby. It needs to be pointed out, however, that James’ initial policy towards Catholicism was relatively tolerant, as indicated with indignation by at de Pulverea Coniuratione II.171f. (and also by Herring 90f.).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.166ff. As was appreciated by Lindley-Sowerby, in this scene Campion combines the substance of two meetings described in Winter’s confession printed in Discourse. In the first (May, 1603) the hotheaded Percy burst in on Catesby and urged the assassination of James. Catesby was not yet ready to agree. In the second, somewhat after a governmental proclamation banishing Catholic priests issued in February 1604, Catesby proposed the destruction of Parliament.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.170 Percy’s words are taken from Winter’s confession (Discourse sig. I 3v).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.174ff. Compare Relation VI.22 where Catesby “intending to use this so furious and fierie a spirit to a further purposes, doeth as it were stroke him for his great forwardness.”
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.193ff. In this very original simile Campion betrays his musical background, and also injects a welcome touch of humor. In 194, ad aequales may be a technical term (Campion wrote a harmony textbook), but I would imagine he simply meant to describe several voices singing in harmony.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.200ff. An expanded version of Winter’s confession ( Discourse sig. I 1r - 2v), which does not, however, register any fear at the destruction of Catholics with other victims. But this fear did of course surface later among the conspirators, and led to the letter sent Lord Monteagle.
Cf. Vergil, Aeneid IV.24, sed mihi vel tellus optem prius ima dehiscat .
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.203 Lindley-Sowerby noted the echo of Aen. II.664, per tela per ignes.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.210ff. Percy’s outburst is taken from Winter’s deposition (Discourse sig. I 1v), but the first sentiments, “much blessed,” are there given as Catesby’s.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.233f. Cf. Seneca, Oedipus 796, ipsa me pietas fugat, and also Thyestes 249f.:

excede, Pietas, si modo in nostra domo
umquam fuisti.

De Pulverea Coniuratione I.236 Perhaps Campion was thinking of Hippocrates, Aphorism lxxxvii, to the effect that diseases incurable by medicine must be treated by surgery; those untreatable by surgery must be treated by cautery; those untreatable by cautery are hopeless.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.240ff. Scrupulous Winter volunteers to cross over to Flanders and see the Constable of Castile, who was coming to England to participate in peace negotiations, and urge him to intercede with James on behalf of the Anglo-Catholics.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.246 Father Hugh Owen was a kind of aide-de-camp to Sir William Stanley, leader of the Anglo-Catholic exiles on the Continent; based in Flanders, it was he who had originally steered the conspirators to Fawkes. For a biographical sketch cf. Albert Loomie, Spanish Elizabethans (New York, 1963), Chapter V.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.264ff. Catesby now recommends that Percy rent one of the houses nearby Parliament. On 264f., Lindley-Sowerby wrote “A curious sentiment to insert here, since the rooms Percy took were in fact used by the Commissioners for the Union for meetings in late 1604, delaying the beginning of the mining operation.” But modern historians, aware of the geology of the locale, tend to dismiss the tradition of this tunneling operation as pure fabrication.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.269 The idea implicit in transferri is that Catesby, as we have been told at De Pulverea Coniuratione I.151, owns a house at Lambeth, almost directly across the Thames from Westminster. The powder will be stored at his home and gradually transported over to house the Percy is to rent, in the basement of which will be the far end of the proposed tunnel.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.272ff. The oath they allegedly took is quoted by J. Vicar at I, p. 17: You will swear by the blessed Trinity, and by the Sacrament you now purpose to receiue, neuer to disclose directly or indirectly, by word or circumstance the matter that shall be proposed to you to keepe secret, nor desist from the execution thereof, vntill the rest shall giue you leaue.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.281 Winter’s journey to Flanders occurred in early April 1604. He described it in his confession (Discourse sig. I 2v).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.289 Percy rents the Whynniard house.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.295 This pun on the name Ignatius was previously used by Wallace 159.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.296 For Tagus aureus cf. ad Thamesin 158f.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.300 The swamp Lerna was home to the Hydra. There is a very similar allusion at Herring 13. Campion’s comparison of the Jesuit Order to the Hydra may be indebted to that passage, although it would occur readily enough to any literate anti-Catholic.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.307 Pax here is evidently the interjection, not the noun (cf. pax 2 in the Oxford Latin Dictionary ).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.310 For Stygio…regi cf. ad Thamesin 239.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.311ff. Campion is referring to the Jesuit doctrine of equivocation, described by Lindley-Sowerby, p.12: “Put simply, the doctrine allows for a Catholic being interrogated either to use words capable of double meaning, or else to speak out loud only part of what was in his mind, reserving the completion of the idea in his head.” The Jesuit Father Garnett, presently to be introduced, allegedly disseminated a treatise on the subject which had been read by some of the Plotters.The reader may be interested in Attorney General Coke’s explanation of this doctrine in the trial of the Gunpowder Plotters, set forth here.
Surely Campion had in mind the Latin quote at Relation X.55, modo mentem iniuratam gereret, etiamsi lingua iuraret, somebody’s translation of a notorious line by Euripides, Hippolytus 612, in which the speaker averred that his tounge lied but that his mind was not party to the lie.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.318ff. Henri IV of France had erected a pyramid to celebrate his expulsion of the Jesuits. Then he was assassinated by Ravaillac in 1610. This was also the subject of epigram I.40.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.330 Father Henry Garnet, the Jesuit legier or Superior for England. He was tried and executed as an accomplice of the conspirators. Lindley-Sowerby refer the reader to Philip Caraman, Henry Garnet, 1555-1606, and the Gunpowder Plot (London, 1964).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.333 Father Cresswell was the Spanish legier at Brussels and Father Baldwin held the same position in Spain.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.339ff. Mistress Anne Vaux maintained a home, White Webbs, at Enfield in Middlesex, described as “a forlorn, gloomy building…half-timbered and containing many trap-doors and passages.” This became a favorite haunt of the conspirators, where they would meet Father Garnet, hear Mass, and hatch their plans.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.342ff. Campion is presumably describing the act of Confession. But this scene seems unhistorical. In his confession of March 1606 Father Garnet stated that he had learned of the Plot from Father Oldcorn, who in turn had heard of it from a certain Father Greenway (evidently an alias of Father Tresimond), who had been informed of it during a comfession of one of the conspirators. Hence he unsuccessfully defended himself by arguing that his knowledge was privileged by the sanctity of the confessional. In fact, Garnet stated that Catesby offered to inform him of the conspirators’ intentions, but that he refused to hear him (Relation VII.8).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.349ff. In his confession ( Discourse sig. K 1) Winter described a general concern among the Plotters about the fate of the Anglo-Catholic peerage, but did not ascribe it to Catesby in particular.
The manuscript has tepide rogat, which would mean, I suppose, that he asked the question without enthusiasm. Since this does not appear psychologically appropriate to the dramatic situation, I have altered the text to trepide rogat.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.359 For the sentiment cf. Ovid, Tristia IV.ii.74, causaque privata publica maior erit.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.364 For the image of mixing heaven and earth cf. the Oxford Classical Dictionary s. v. caelum 1(3) (save that there the image is defined as “to throw everything into confusion,” whereas here Campion obviously means confusing things that belong to God with things that belong to Man). The same usage is found at Herring 13
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.366 Phaleris, the notorious Sicilian tyrant who built a bronze bull in which he broiled his victims alive.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.368 Campion was presumably thinking of Horace, Odes III.ii.13, dulce et decorum est pro patria mori.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.371f. Campion is referring to the treatise on Equivocation, described in the note on epigram I.311.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.393f. Our erstwhile law student mischievously works in this legal formula.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.398 Christopher Wright had made Fawkes’ friendship in Madrid, where he was fighting for the Spanish.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.401 A bad line based on Vergil, Aeneid II.235, accingunt omnes operi: Campion places a caesura at the end of the third foot.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.406 A playful manipulation of Vergil’s dapibus vinoque sepultus (Aeneid III. 630).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.409ff. Fawkes tried to pass himself off as John Johnson, Percy’s servant.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.414 Cf. Seneca, Agamemnon 983, monebit sceleris infandi artifex, although the use of the perfect infinitive is hard to understand.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.416 Armos expediunt is a humorous twist on arma expediunt in Vergil (Aeneid I.177, IV.592).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.417 Again, Campion seems to be parodying the use of the verb apto with military tela in such passages as Vergil, Aeneid XI.8f., Statius, Thebais IV.259 and XI.499.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.420 Cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses IV.39, utile opus manuum vario sermone levemus.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.422f. Lindley-Sowerby translate how the king can be captured if absent from the sitting, or who is to be their leader if he is destroyed, whether it is the maiden princess. The more natural, and more historically accurate, interpretation is what I have rendered (construing capi possit also with dux and regiavirgo). The idea is that, if James should die in the blast, they aspired to get their hands on either Charles, the Duke of York, or Princess Elizabeth, both young enough to be manipulable by them. They could entertain no such aspirations about the older Prince Henry, who would certainly attend Parliament with his father die too, and who was in any event too independ-ent-minded for their purposes. This plan was described by Winter in his confession (Discourse sig. L 4v).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.423 Doubtless their concern was for Catholic Peers, such as Lord Monteagle, who would be present at the sitting.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.424f. It is not entirely clear whether illorum designates the conspirators or the surviving members of the royal family. In point of fact, one historian, summing up his account of the Plot, observed “when Watson and his associates formed their plans [in the Main Plot], visions floated before their eyes in which they saw themselves installed in the highest offices of the State. In the expressions of these conspirators not a single word can be traced from which it can be inferred that they cherished any such thoughts.” Cf. Samuel R. Gardiner, History of England from the Accession of James I to the Outbreak of the Civil War (London 1883) I.264.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.430ff. Lindley-Sowerby remarked on the anachronistic nature of this passage: Elizabeth’s tomb was still under under construction, not to be completed until 1606.
Cf. Vergil, Aeneid I.218 spemque metumque inter dubii. For sibi somnia fingunt cf. Vergil, Eclogue i.104 (also at line-end).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.461 For monumenta perennia cf. Ovid, Fasti II.265. But Campion is really saying that her reputation is a monumentum aere perennius (Horace, Odes
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.464f. In their note on these lines Lindley-Sowerby express bewilderment on the grounds that there was never any attempt to desecrate Elizabeth’s remains. But a more careful reading of Campion’s Latin seems to show that the bones in question are those of Henry VIII. As far as I know, under Mary there was no thought to giving his body the exhumation to which those of some leading reformers were subjected (although possibly rumors of such an intention circulated). On the whole it seems more plausible to think that this is a metaphorical desecration, referring to Mary’s attempt to abolish the Protestant church her father had founded.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.499 Cf. Vergil, Aeneid IV.278, et procul in tenuem ex oculis evanuit auram.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.501ff. Again, it is worth bearing in mind that this striking passage is the work of an accomplished musician.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.502 Sacellum would be a curious word to use for the Abbey as a whole, and probably is meant to indicate more exactly the Abbey’s Chapel of Henry VIII, in which stands Elizabeth’s tomb.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.506 Lindley-Sowerby suggested that this echoes Hebrews 2:12; Psalm ix might be another possibility.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.516 There were in fact a series of prorogations, to the great dismay of the Plotters, but Campion only alludes to two. Here he mentions that Parliament was prorogued from December 1604 to February 1605.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.521ff. Campion’s narrative is a bit difficult to comprehend for someone who does not already know the story. The conspirators supposedly dug their tunnel until they ran up against the foundations of Parliament (the murus of line 520). The flinty rock out of which this was made was so hard that the points of their picks struck sparks, poetically anticipatory of the sparks of their intended explosion. For the proper understanding of this passage it is important that silici and cuspide not be construed together, as Lindley-Sowerby mistakenly did in their baffling translation these vain prophets draw their divining fires from the pointed flint. Besides being faced with the daunting job of breaking through this rock, the conspirators were afraid of the amount of noise they would have to create. Thus they sought for an alternative means and discovered that a portion of the cellar of Parliament was available for rent. When Campion calls this “a vacant chamber adjacent to the wall” he means to indicate that it was adjacent to the interior side of the foundation.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.526ff. They placed fragments of iron atop the barrels or even, as Campion states, inserted them in the powder, to create shrapnel. Then they covered over the barrels with lumber and coal for camouflage. But Campion’s statement that they pretended they were storing beer seems to make sense only according to the understanding that the barrels remained partially visible (if they used this pretext when bringing the barrels into the cellar openly, why bother to conceal them afterwards?).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.533ff. Here Campion mentions a second and more serious prorogation, until September (later postponed until November). It was during this one that the conspirators thought it prudent to disperse and hide. It is this prorogation that is imperfectly described by Herring 116.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.551 The words tecteque repressis probably refer to the camouflaging of the barrels described above.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.553ff. Fawkes’ Belgian excursion of May 1605 and his meeting with Stanley had previously been handled by Herring 116ff., perhaps another reason for thinking Campion was familiar with that work.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.556 Sir William Stanley, leader of the Anglo-Catholic exiles on the Continent; based in Flanders, it was he who had originally steered the conspirators to Fawkes. For a biographical sketch cf. Albert Loomie, Spanish Elizabethans (New York, 1963), Chapter V.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.559 The meaning of this line is less than pellucid. Either it is a rather awkward attempt to throw into indirect discourse a statement that “I swear that you will have no cause for regretting your action in recruiting me,” or it is means that his recruitment strengthened their cause because he brought with him the mercenary soldiers presently to be mentioned.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.560 Hos and the plural verbs presumably designate Stanley and Owen.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.568 Sir Edward Baynham was sent to the Pope in August. Although at his trial Father Garnet claimed he was only sent to report on the oppressed condition of English Catholics, the government of course charged that his mission was actually to apprise the Pope of the Plot. Cf. Relation VII.8, quoted by Lindley-Sowerby.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.574 Cf. Tibullus III.iv.53, sollicitas caelestia numina votis. The numina in question are of course the Saints.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.575 “Alluding to Garnet’s much cited prayer at Couthton on All-Hallows Eve, which included the hymn Gente auferte perfidam…Northampton accused Garnet at his trial: ‘ you gave order for a prayer to be said by Catholikes for their prosperous successe’”: Lindley-Sowerby, citing Relation VIII.11.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.579ff. “We have not been able to locate a precise source for this depiction of the two lakes of tears. It may perhaps have been suggested by the description of the doubleness of watery effects in Ovid, Metamorphoses XIV.308ff.”: Lindley-Sowerby. The contrastive emblematic effect is very much in the style of Spenser.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.593ff. “The plant referred to here (whence comes Sardonic laughter) was usually identified by the ancients as ranunculus, ‘crowfoot’). Laethum, which is not in usual or botanical dictionaries remains a mystery. The Colchian poison is sweet probably because it is associated with the enchantments and love potions of Medea who came from Colchis”: Lindley-Sowerby.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.594 As at I.80, simul = simul ac.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.600ff. “Campion compresses the timetable of recruitment. [Robert] Keyes had joined in November 1604. Robert Winter, John Grant, and Bates were added at the beginning of 1605, Cristopher Wright in February 1605…Francis Tresham…, Sir Everard Digby and Ambrose Rookwood were only enlisted after preparations were complete, in September 1605 — largely because they brought money to the conspiracy, and offered the necessary help for the conduct of affairs in the immediate aftermath of the explosion”: I have already pointed out how Campion wrongly introduced Winter and Rookwood in an earlier passage (cf. the note on I.142).
The Latinization of Keyes’ name as Caius would readily occur to a Cambridge man, as it had been adopted by the refounder and first Master of Gonville and Caius College.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.603 Tresham was the eldest son of Sir Thomas Tresham of Rushton, Norts., and brother-in-law to Lord Monteagle. Hence he has always been suspected of having written the anonymous letter to Monteagle that betrayed the Plot.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.605 The Jesuit Father Oswald Tesimond, who operated under the names Greenway and Greenwell. Lindley-Sowerby point out that according to Relation III.24 it was Rookwood who felt qualms about the conspiracy.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.613ff. Compare the similar picture of the opening ceremonies at Wallace 286ff.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.619 Henry Frederick, Prince of Wales (the next line alludes to his death in 1612).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.621 Charles, Duke of York (currently he was four year old).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.634 The conspiracy was betrayed because some of its members were troubled by the prospect of Catholics being killed in the forthcoming explosion. Therefore one of them (often thought to have been Father Tresimond) sent a message to a Catholic peer, Lord Monteagle, issuing a cryptic warning to avoid Parliament: My Lord, out of the loue i beare to some of youere friends i haue a caer of your preseruation. Therefore I would aduise yowe as yowe tender your lyfe to deuise some excuse to shift off youer atendence at this parleament, for god and man hathe concurred to punishe the wickednes of this tyme, and thinke not slightlye of this aduertisement, but retyre youre selfe into youer countri, where yowe maye expect the euent in safeti., for thowghe theare be no appear ance of anny stir yet i saey they shall receiue a terribel blowe this parleament, and yet they shall not sei who hurts them. This cowncel is not to be contemned, because it may doe yowe good, and can doe yowe no harme, for the dangere is pased as soone as yowe haue burnt the letter, and i hope god will giue yowe the grace to make use of it: To whose holy protectcon i comend you. But Monteagle turned the letter in to the government and, at least as the offlcial version went, James himself penetrated the mystery by means of his superior intelligence.
Lord Monteagle was William Parker, fourth Baron Monteagle and eleventh Baron Morley [1575 - 1622]; there is a biography in the D. N. B.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.635 Lord Monteagle was the son of Lord Morley of Bishops Stortford; it is somewhat surprising to see Campion call him a iuvenis since he was thirty-one at the time.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.640 Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury, James’ first minister.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.643 When Monteagle burst in with the letter, Cecil was sitting down to dine with the Lord High Admiral and the Earl of Suffolk (the Lord Chamberlain), the Earls of Northampton and Worcester and others; at their advice, the Catholic Earl of Northumberland was summoned.
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.668 Sir Thomas Knevett (who also appears at Herring 352f., where he is described as an elderly courtier).
De Pulverea Coniuratione I.669f. Lindley-Sowerby point out that according to Discourse sig. G4v the search was ostensibly conducted to find some missing hangings, but that there is no mention of any clothes allegedly stolen from the Queen. But this same pretext is given by Herring 355f. “This may be evidence that Campion consulted this particular poem as a source for his work.” context: more likely some celestial phenomenon (perhaps a meteor shower) than a flood.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.6 I am not sure what fluxum means in the present context: more likely some celestial phenomenon (perhaps a meteor shower) than a flood.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.9 For amica silentia cf. Vergil, Aeneid II.255.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.15 Cf. Aen. II.268, tempus erat quo prima quies mortalia aegris.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.20ff. Campion is perhaps reflecting a contemporary anxiety expressed the two governmental white papers issued on the plot, Discourse sig. E 3v and Relation X.189,that the Abbey and its monuments might have been damaged by the explosion. Herring expresses the same idea at 250f.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.21 But it was night, when the Abbey was not visible. In a condition contrary to fact a subjunctive (like the coordinate verb teneret two lines below) is needed. Campion should have written liceret, but the meter excludes the possibility that the ms. has licuit as the result of a copying error.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.29 Another line with a caesura at the end of the third foot.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.33ff. According to Discourse sig. G 4r - v, Fawkes told his captor That if he had happened to be within the house when he tooke him, as hee was immediately before (at the ending of his worke) hee would not haue failed to haue blowen him vp, house and all. Campion’s account of Fawkes’ arrest is very like that of Wallace 346ff. and may be indebted to that source — compare his protervo…vultu at 347f. with Campion’s intrepidoore, a detail not provided in Herring’s parallel account at 381f.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.43 Campion’s simile is based on the homely London spectacle of a bear-baiting.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.51 Lindley-Sowerby noted that Suffolk was one of Campion’s chief patrons.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.76 It is surprising that Campion did not mention the most characteristic feature of Guy Fawkes’ Day celebrations, bonfires, but he may be alluding to these with fervent, translated here as “flare up.”
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.77f. A fine example of the contempt for the common man encountered in much Anglo-Latin literature of the time.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.80ff. Sir Everard Digby and some of the other conspirators gathered at Dunchurch near Rugby, pretending to be a hunting party, as they awaited the outcome of the explosion. By now they had fixed more firmly on the idea of kidnapping Princess Elizabeth, then nine years old, who was residing at the home of her guardian, Sir John Harington, Lord Harington of Exton, at Combe Abbey, Coventry, in Warwickshire.
In Francis Herring’s Venatio Catholica, the sequel to Pontifica Pietas, there is a somewhat lengthier description of this hunt (pp.28f.), which contains the lines:

vivaces cerbos, leporesque fugaces
et timidas damas, reliquum genus omne ferarum
et verbo et specie, canibus plagisque petabant.

But there is no mention of the intended abduction of the Princess.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.115 Solioquevito also appears at Wallace 435.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.117f. Thomas Egerton, Baron Ellesmere, Lord Chancellor and Keeper of the Seal (a celebrated patron of literature, for whom Milton wrote Comus ). Lindley-Sowerby have a lengthy note on Campion’s possible sources for the speech reported here.
Here we have another example of the loathing for the law Campion acquired during his studies at Gray’s Inn in the 1590’s.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.127 I assume that sui = sui aevi, i. e. men of the present age.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.129 For monstri caput cf. Lucan, Bellum Civile IX.666.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.131 Cf. Propertius II.xxvii.6, caeca pericla latent.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.132f. Cf. Seneca, Medea 670, magna pernicies adest. For atris / fulminis cf. Statius, Silvae I.iv.64.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.136 The phrase patriae parentis is on the one hand calculated to recall the honorific title pater patriae voted Cicero by the Senate for preserving Rome from the Catilinarian conspiracy (thus equating the Plotters with the members of that conspiracy); on the other, it recalls James’ pet analogy of a sovereign ruling over his nation with the same authority that a father governs his family, often repeated in his political pronouncements and writings. See also the commentary note on II.171 below. The same title is also given James by Herring 306.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.138 Cf. sitisque inmensa cruoris at Ovid, Metamorphoses XIII.768.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.139 For incendia poscit cf. Vergil, Aeneid IX.71.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.140 For ultimus actor cf. Ovid, Heroides i.95f.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.143 Some of the conspirators were at Dunchurch. In the next scene we shall find others gathering in Catesby’s house at Lambeth.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.147 For horresco referens cf. Vergil, Aeneid II.204.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.158 Campion seems to include James’ second daughter, Mary (d. 1607), rarely mentioned in Plot literature.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.159f. For lumen with forms of praebeo cf. Ovid, Heroides xviii.59, Metamorphoses II.332, XI.522, and Seneca, Hercules Furens 672.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.161 For iure paterno cf. Horace, Ars Poetica 256, Lucan, Bellum Civile IX.96, X.97, Martial III.xcv.6, and VIII.xxxi.2.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.167 Cf. media pace at Ovid, Amores, III.ii.50, and Statius, Silvae I.iv.84.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.171f. These lines seem calculated to recall the beginning of Cicero’s first oration against Catiline, quousque, Catilina, abuteris patientia nostra?, and therefore to reinforce the comparison between James and Cicero the pater patriae, and Plotters and the parties to the Catilinarian conspiracy.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.174 For seramruinam cf. Lucan, Bellum Civile VI.267.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.181 For summus…parens cf. Lucan, Bellum Civile IV.110.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.183 For immensa potestas cf. Lucretius V.1209 (also at line-end).
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.193 Cf. gelidis in nubibus at Vergil, Aeneid XII.796.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.200ff. For James’ initially mild policy towards Catholicism, cf. the note on epigram I.156.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.206 For vagina deripit ensem cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses X.475.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.209f. James’ fractured syntax seems intended to represent his sputtering rage.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.212f. Cf. Seneca, Phaedra 893, labem hanc pudoris eluit noster cruor.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.214 Cf., evidently, prosequor with forms of abeuntis at Ovid, Heroides v.55 and xii.55.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.216f. Cf., evidently, discussa nube at Ovid, Metamorphoses XV.70, Ps. - Seneca, Hercules Oetaeus 1707, Statius, Achilleis I.646 and Thebais IX.175.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.219 Cf. metus urget at Lucretius III.982, Lucan, Bellum Civile I.460, and Statius, Thebais VI.98.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.220ff. Campion bequeaths us an interesting and amusing picture of life in the academic theater, perhaps based on some incident witnessed at Cambridge or Gray’s Inn. The first three plays he mentions belong to the Senecan corpus, Hercules Furens, Hercules Oetaeus, and Thyestes. It is tempting to think that the fourth is William Gager’s well known Meleager, first acted at Christ Church, Oxford, in 1582, revived there three years later in the presence of the Earl of Leicester and Sir Philip Sidney, and printed at Oxford by Joseph Barnes in 1593. Campion seems to be poking fun at the constant appearances of furies and ghosts in tragedy, academic as well as popular, and one thinks of Lodge’s mot about stage ghosts crying for revenge like so many oyster-wives. But then, it is a mark of his wit that a little while later he introduces his own ghost-apparition.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.227 Lindley-Sowerby pointed out that the proper form ought to be turgescere. Since it is unclear whether turgessere is Campion’s own spelling or the result of a copying error, I have retained it in the text.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.229 In this context laterarumpunt describes the vigor with which the actors deliver their lines.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.232 For summa operis cf. Horace, Ars Poetica 34 and the Vergilian Aetna 565.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.244 Cf., perhaps, contraria votis at Tibullus III.iv.83 and Propertius I.v.9.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.246 Cf. the note on ad Thamesin 104.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.254 For sortis iniquae cf. Vergil, Aeneid VI.332 and XII.243.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.257 For iter ingressus cf. Tibullus I.iii.19 and Juvenal, Satire x.20.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.259 For tecta ferarum at line-end cf. Lucan, Bellum Civile IV.100 (otherwise cf. Vergil, Aeneid VI.7f.).
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.264 Cf., perhaps, premit imbre at Ovid, Epistulae ex Ponto IV.i.30. For Auster, the south wind, as a rain-bringer cf. Seneca, Medea 583f.:

non ubi hibernos nebulosus imbres
Auster advexit.

De Pulverea Coniuratione II.265f. For incoeptum…iter cf. Vergil, Aeneid VI.384, VIII.90, and Ovid, Ars Amatoria II.226.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.272f. An ironic inversion of Horace, Odes IV.ix.41, iudex honestum praetulit utili, and the Vergilian de Institutione Viri Boni 21f.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.273 For certam…salutem cf. Vergil, Georgics IV.294, Seneca, Hercules Furens 622, Martial II.xci.1 and VII.xc.5.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.281 Cf. Vergil, Aeneid IV.659f., moriemur inultae / sed moriamur.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.283 For virtute coacta cf. Lucan, Bellum Civile 798 (also at line-end).
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.285 Cf. Vergil, Aeneid X.725, surgentem in cornua cervum.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.290 Bates was the mounted messenger.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.291 For extremo…casu cf. Lucan, Bellum Civile VII.239 and Juvenalxv.95.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.299 For plena timoris at line-end cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses X.29 (in other parts of the line also at Heroides i.12, viii.76, and xvi.84).
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.307 For fidei pactae cf. Ovid, Fasti III.584, Heroides xvi.41, xvi.378, xx.7, and Seneca, Phaedra 953.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.308 For extrema…hora cf. Vergil, Eclogue viii.30, the Vergilian Ciris 406, Lucan, Bellum Civile VIII.611, and Martial IV.lxxiii.1.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.316 The scriptum debile is of course the Monteagle letter.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.318 Lindley-Sowerby quote similar conceits from other literature of the time: Lucta Iacobi (1607) has “Thus begunne he also (as did Iacob) his wrastling even in his Rebeccaes bellie; to wit, with that old Esau, the roote of those rauenous Ruthuens, grandfather to this Italion Edomit the late Earle of Gowrie, who preased to diuide his Highnesse in and from his mothers wombe” (sig. B 3), and George Marcelline’s The Triumphes of King James the First (1610), “So in his very birth likewise, he held Esau by the heele, and in his Cradle (in imitation of great Hercules) he smothered and strangled great store of Serpents” (p.43).
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.323 Lindley-Sowerby pointed out that Hall was an alias for another Jesuit, Father Edward Oldcorne.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.324 For recta ratione cf. the note on I.161.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.327 The allusion cannot be to any recent historical event, since France and Turkey were diplomatically and militarily allied throughout the sixteenth century. Campion is perhaps looking as far back as the Turkish capture of Jerusalem from the Franks in 1244.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.329 Rhodes was captured from the Order of St. John by the Turks in 1522, a major setback for Christendom.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.332 Father John Gerard, another English Jesuit tangentially involved in the Plot.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.338 For contra contendere cf. Lucretius IV.471, Catullus lxiv.101, and Vergil, Aeneid V.370.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.339 Campion must have been thinking of the impact of Garnet’s arguments on the other conspirators after “Hall” had reported them.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.340 For variat…sententia cf. Ovid, Metamorphoses XV.648.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.343 Cf. Vergil, Aeneid II.274, ei mihi qualis erat.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.345 The Oxford Latin Dictionary gives a couple of example of abutor with its object in the accusative from Plautus and Terence, and Campion may have written nomen abuti. But it is also possible that this is a copying error for nomine abuti.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.354 For adversis…procellis cf. Vergil, Aeneid I.103, Ovid, Metamorphoses XI.484, and Tristia V.xii.5.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.358 Cf. Aeneid II.147, rutilas sparsisse per auras.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.361f. Cf. Vergil, Aeneid XI.448, magnisque urbem terroribus implet.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.369 According to Relation VI.31, Tesimond “was resolved to doe his best endevors for the raysing of Rebellion, vnder this false pretext and colour, that it was concluded that the throats of all the Catholiques in England should be cut.”
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.372 For vim subitam at the beginning of the hexameter line cf. Lucretius I.286.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.376 For foemineum genus cf. Vergil, Aeneid IX.141f. and Seneca, Phaedra 687. Cf. also Ovid, Fasti IV.481f. miseris loca cuncta querellis / implet.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.379 Cf. imas…umbras at Vergil, Aeneid VI.404.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.380 For terra dehiscens cf. Vergil, Aeneid VIII.243 (also at line-end).
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.381 For flammis crepitantibus cf. Lucretius VI.155, Vergil, Aeneid VII.74, and Georgics I.85.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.383f. For rauca / voce cf. Martial VIII.iii.15.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.388 Campion likewise equips Tisiphone with a blazing flail at ad Thamesin 235.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.396ff. In his epigrams Dr. Campion occasionally described the symptoms of patients, mental as well as physical. One wonders if he had encountered a manic depressive.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.398 Antaeus was the mythological wrestler who was invincible as long has he touched the ground; Hercules lifted him up and destroyed him.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.403 “Campion here alludes specifically to Vergil, Aeneid VII.325ff., where Allecto casts a brand at Turnus”: Lindley-Sowerby, suggesting that Campion acquired this conventionalized picture of Allecto as the warlike Fury from Natalis Comes, Mythologiae p. 113ff. Orgel.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.408 By the Jesuits’ “dire bugles” Campion means their propaganda machine.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.409 Cf. Martemque accendere at Vergil, Aeneid V.165.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.413 For opera…inani cf. Horace, Ars Poetica 443.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.425ff. The Plotters broke into Warwick Castle and Whewell Grange, Worcs., the home of Lord Windsor, to steal arms and horses.Cf. Ps. - Tibullus III.vii.207, equum rigidos percurrere campos / doctum.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.435 Cf. subito tumultu at Vergil, Aeneid IX.397, Lucan, Bellum Civile X.372, Statius, Thebais VII.608, and VIII.636.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.436 For alta…quies cf. Vergil, Aeneid VI.522, Ovid, Heroides xiv.34, Metamorphoses VII.186, and Martial VII.xlii.4.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.437f. Cf. contemnere leges at Juvenal xiv.100 and Statius, Thebais III.307.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.441 Lindley-Sowerby cite Camden’s Britannia, that the Cornavii are “the Regions which in ancient time the people called Cornabii or Cornavii inhabited,” which is to say the counties of Warkwickshire, Worcestershire, Staffordshire, Shropshire, and Cheshire. Campion was an admirer of Camden: cf. epigram I.69.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.443 The Avon is a “rival of the sun’s rising and setting” in respect to its regularity.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.444 Lindley-Sowerby cite Discourse sig. L 4, “Sir Fulke Greuill the elder, Knight, as became one both so ancient in yeares and good reputation, and by his Office being Deputie Lieutenant of Warwickshire, though vnhable in his body, yet by the zeale and true feruancie of his minde, did first apprehend this foresaid Riot to be nothing but the sparkles and sure indices of a following Rebellion.” They themselves add “Campion seems to have misread the account, which praises Greville for rightly interpreting local disturbance at the stolen horses as sign of somthing bigger, as indicating slowness of perception.” It would be more accurate to say that this passage well illustrates the point made in the Introduction that this poem is so overloaded with supernatural interventions that the human actors are largely deprived of any independence of thought or action.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.455 Campion also uses sideris instar at de Pulverea Coniuratione I.93; presumably he took pleasure by the bilingual pun.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.465f. No doubt the gentle art in question is that of persuasion.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.467ff. Although the neglected spark is a familiar enough topos, its immediate source probably is Herring 160f.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.474 Cf. incensus amore at Catullus lxiv.253 and Vergil, Aeneid II.343 (both at line-end).
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.476 For facundia linguae at line-end cf. Ovid, Epistulae ex Ponto II.iii.75 and Tristia IV.iv.5.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.479ff. They passed through Worcestershire on their way to Holbeach in Staffordshire (which lies about four miles from Stourbridge on the main road the Wolverhampton. They were seeking refuge at Holbeach House, the large county mansion of a sympathizer, Stephen Littletown.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.486 Cf. fama tacebat at Statius, Thebais IX.68 (at line-end).
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.489 Cf. inutile pondus at Ovid, Amores III.vii.15 (at line-end).
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.490 Cf. impendente ruina at Ps. - Ovid, Epicedion Drusi 363.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.491ff. There is probably supposed to be some sort of symmetry between the scene in Book I in which the Whynniard house was crammed with Plotters and demons and the present situation in which they are holed up with the Fury at Holbeach House (just as there is sinister symmetry in the fact that the Plotters at Holbeach were undone by an accidental explosion of gunpowder, as is pointed out at II.536).
Lindley-Sowerby suggested that the idea for this scene may have come from Cicero, pro Sexto Roscio Amerino lxvii, Nolite enim putare, quem ad modum in fabulis saepenumero videtis, eos qui aliquid impie scelerateque commiserint agitari et perterreri Fuiarum taedis ardentibus. Sua quemque fraus et suus terror maxime vexat, suum quemque scelus agitat amentiaque adficit, suae malae cogitationes conscientiaeque animi terrent; hae sunt impiis adsiduae domesticaeque Furiae quae dies noctesque parentium poenas a consceleratissimis filiis reptant. They point out that Campion could have acquired this passage from Natalis Comes, Mythologiae p.115 Orgel.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.507 Cf. sorte mutata at Horace, Sermones and Statius, Thebais XII.490.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.510 For iucundae…quieti cf. the Vergilian Culex 213 and Propertius I.x.1. For inimica quieti cf. Martial, Spectacula iv.1 (also at line-end).
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.511ff. Cf. Relation III.58, “Here also was reported Robert Winters Dream . . . which hee himselfe confessed and first notified, viz. That hee thought hee saw Steeples stand awrie and within those Churches straunge and vnknowen faces. And after, when the foresaid blast had the day following scorched diuers of the Confederates, and much disfigured [their] faces and countenances…then did Winter call to minde his Dreame.”
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.518 The adjective subito may mean that the posse was hastily assembled or that it suddenly appeared on the scene. Speaking in favor of the former possibility is the further adjective crudus applied to this force at De Pulverea Coniuratione II.543, which I interpret to mean that the members of this impromptu militia were ill-trained.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.519 Sir Richard Walsh, Sheriff of Worcestershire.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.521 For spe veniae cf. Horace, Ars Poetica 267.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.522 For ignarus scelerum cf. Vergil, Aeneid II.106, Ovid, Metamorphoses X.225, and Lucan, Bellum Civile V.35. For conscia turba cf. Ovid, Fasti II.100, Lucan, Bellum Civile VII.181f. and Statius, Thebais XII.548f.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.528 For fulminis instar cf. Ovid, Ars Amatoria III.490.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.531 For tetra…nocte cf. Lucretius VI.253.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.537 According to Discourse sig. M 2, “then presently (see the wonderfull powers of Gods Iustice vpon guiltie consciences) did all fall downe vpon their knees, praying GOD to pardon them for their bloody enterprise.”
Cf. Vergil, Aeneid X.845, ad caelum tendit palmas and also similar locutions at Aen. I.93, V.256, Ovid, Metamorphoses XIII.411, Statius, Silvae III.iv.99 and Thebais I.497.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.541 For portisque patentibus cf. Vergil, Aeneid II.266.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.544ff. “Though Campion kills off the right conspirators, he fuses the arrest of Thomas Winter, Roodwood and Grant at the time with the later arrests of Robert Winter and Bates, who had fled before the siege:” Lindley-Sowerby.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.546 Cf. Aeneid IX.349, purpuream vomit ille animam.
De Pulverea Coniuratione II.548 Surely this ending was meant to imitate the equally abrupt conclusion of the Aeneid.